Suchergebnisse

Partial contents: Reversing the economic reform; Dissent: from Dubcek to Charter 77; 1980-1985: searching for reform substitutes; Dissent: diversity in unity.

Gregori Kozintsev produced Gamlet (1964) as a film adaptation of Shakespeare's Hamlet during a challenging time for artistic expression in Soviet Russia. Given the threats of censorship, imprisonment, and exile always looming over Soviet writers and artists, Kozintsev's adaptation is in many ways a work of bravery. In Gamlet he utilizes a story of geographically distant persons and places to critique the problems of power in the USSR. Much of this occurs in his depiction of the suffering of Hamet and Ophelia at the hands of paternalistic power, which stands in for political authority. Concerns over authority emerge not just in the film's plot but also in the lives and work of creative participants. For example, Boris Pasternak and Dmitri Shostakovich--contributors for the film's screenplay and score, respectively--are evidence of their individual investment in free artistic expression. Both individuals played a difficult game of creating art that was subtly subversive, simultaneously making public statements of loyalty to the Party. In the film, these subversive elements are especially evident in a portrayal of the relationship between Hamlet and Ophelia to their respective figures of paternal auuthority; the film techniques, language, and music in these scenes demonstrate how Kozintsev uses an officially sanctioned story to convey an unsanctioned message

À l'indépendance, le parti-État incarne le peuple et ne peut supporter aucune dissidence. Cette dernière subsiste toutefois dans le parti ou chez les intellectuels. Le printemps kabyle de 980 voit l'essor des droits de l'homme. Dans les années 2000, la presse, insolente, dénonce la corruption des dirigeants. Cette année, le peuple réclame une seconde indépendance.

The dramatic changes of 1989 have been widely understood as the confirmation of Western, liberal democracy as the ultimate model of the modern polity. The fact that 1989 was about a dual language that not only emphasized the rule of law and the implementation of rights, but also articulated ideas of democracy alternative to the mainstream liberal-constitutional idea, has not been at the forefront of interpretations of post-1989 trajectories. This does not mean, though, that 1989 has not had implications for the democratic imaginary and structures emerging in the new democracies. Dissidence has had important even if less visible implications for democratic imaginary and structure in ways that are still being played out. It should be recognized that the events of 1989 and dissident thought also indicated alternative, republican democratic models that have had implications for the democratic structures emerging in the wake of 1989. In the contribution, the author will first briefly discuss the one-sidedness of interpretations of democracy in post-1989 Central and Eastern Europe and, subsequently, highlight one alternative understanding of democracy that has emerged in some of the dissidents' ideas prior to and in 1989, in particular in terms of notions of republican democracy. Second, the author will discuss some instances—predominantly referring to the experiences in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland—in which the influence of dissident ideas on constitutional and legal-institutional transformations, in particular regarding local self-government and direct democracy, becomes visible.

Shapes of desire -- The year of the lustful lesbian -- Rock against romance -- Crossover dreams : lesbianism and popular music -- Sisters and queers : the decentering of lesbian feminism -- Revenge of the shamed : the Christian right's emotional culture war -- Whose memories? whose victimhood? -- Make room for daddy : anxious masculinity and emergent homophobias -- Epilogue

L'ouvrage « Sécession du Sud- Soudan : dangers et opportunités» contient treize contributions réparties en trois chapitres. Le premier s'intéresse aux prémices de la discorde, le deuxième chapitre regroupe les différentes contributions qui évoquent les effets extérieurs, sous l'angle de l'ingérence, tandis que le troisième est consacré aux résultats et aux défis auxquels le Soudan et la région doivent faire face, dans la mesure où cette sécession n'est, aux yeux des auteurs, que le début d'une nouvelle ère, un processus d'émiettement « qui ne fait que commencer ».