Suchergebnisse

Spanish America Has Moved From The Status of Debt crisis region to that of emerging market in the past few years, and has done so without great political upheaval. So can economic liberalism and democratic institutions work together in the region? Neither phenomenon is really new in Spanish America. However they have often been regarded as potentially antagonistic or even mutual exclusive. Indeed there have been times when the two concepts seemed to be competitors rather than allies. If they are now (mostly) allies, this is not primarily because old-fashioned modernization theory has been proved right all along, but because of changes in both the internationalenvironment (political as well as economic) and in the character of democratic politics in much of Spanish America.

Ein Workshop des Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD) in Mankesim und Tamale im November 2003 diskutierte über den Zusammenhang zwischen der Verfassung von 1992 und marktwirtschaftlicher Entwicklung. Die Themen für die vier Referate waren an beiden Orten gleich, die Referenten unterschiedlich: "The Constitution and democratic control over external transactions and borrowings", "Matching the ends with means: the revenue and expenditure mismatch", "Democratic control over the national purse", "Economic liberalism and decentralisation". Die Publikation dokumentiert die Referate und die Diskussionen. (GIGA-Sbd)

This article argues that Korea's prevailing strong belief in self-sufficiency and the legacy of the state-led and overly regulated external policies which dominated prior to the 1997 financial crisis had become an obstacle to Korea's seeming pursuit of economic liberalism based on inward foreign direct investment (FDI). Although the momentum of globalization ignited during the 1997 financial crisis has enabled Korea to undertake a speedier market opening and draconian structural reforms, there has been no fundamental turnaround yet in the mindset of the Korean government, bureaucrats, corporate sector, or the people in general-the ultimate measure of globalization. This article critically evaluates the impacts of the legacy of the state-led economic development (economic nationalism/mercantilism) model on Korea's newly adopted FDI-led globalization strategy. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

AbstractOver the past 15 years or more, all the member countries of the OECD, including Australia, have liberalised their economic systems: there has been a general adoption of market‐oriented economic reforms. This article surveys the process of reform during this period for all the OECD economies, but with special reference to developments in Australia. It looks at five main areas of policy: financial markets (national and international), public finance, privatisation and deregulation, labour markets, and international trade. It considers in turn the nature of the process, the course and content of reforms, the main causal influences at work, and the impact and significance of liberalisation. In doing so, it draws extensively on work carried out in the OECD Secretariat.

Following the radical programs of economic adjustment, international agencies and governments in Latin America have been shaping their policies to protect the very poor, either by compensating for a deterioration in standards of living to which they themselves had contributed to, or simply to avoid further social unrest. Today, the idea that the government should intervene to resol ve problems of poverty and disparity is accepted; but it is accepted from a liberalstandpoint, that is to say, expeling politics from the equation and giving the market free rein to regulate society. In this view, policy to protect the poor makes the State some kind of charitable organization, a safety-net for those shut out of the market. This is based on two principIes: be patient, wait till tomorrow. These principIes are to be found in Rawls and in Hayek, who differ on some matters but agree on four main themes: the decisive role of the market in forming society, the justification of the fetishism of commodities, the creative disparities and the social exclusion as an individual phenomenon. ; Luego de los programas de ajustes radicales, las entidades internacionales y los gobiernos de los países latinoamericanos vienen adoptando políticas en defensa de los más pobres, bien sea para compensar el deterioro del nivel de vida que aquellos originaron o bien para evitar un mayor descontento social. Hoy se acepta la intervención del Estado para afrontar los problemas de la pobreza y las desigualdades sociales, aunque desde una óptica liberal, es decir, expulsando la política y dando prioridad al mercado como entidad reguladora de la sociedad. Así, las políticas en la defensa de los pobres adquiere un carácter de mera beneficencia o de red de seguridad para quienes son excluidos por el mercado, y se basan en dos principios: hay que ser pacientes y esperar hasta mañana. Sus fundamentos filosóficos se encuentran en Rawls y Hayek, quienes aunque difieren en algunas cuestiones comparte cuatro temas fundamentales: el papel determinante del mercado en la formación de la sociedad, la apología del fetichismo de la mercancía, las desigualdades creadoras y la exclusión social como fenómeno individual.