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Folklore at the Turn of the Twentieth Century in a Very Broad sense is understood to encompass the expressive culture of any notable group of people. As implied by the original meaning of the word "lore" when the term "folklore" was coined in 1846, tradition is a vital ingredient of folklore. Yet not all folklore relies on centuries of tradition: Customs may become obsolete, live on submerged for centuries before being revived, or come into being all anew: Duration rather than historical roots makes folklore. The folk, on the other hand, is not necessarily constituted by the uneducated masses, as a conservative point of view would have it: Folklore is not germane to specific social strata but rather to substantial numbers of individuals sharing similar ideas or activities. In this sense folklore encompasses a wide range of cultural expression, ranging from popular beliefs and customs to myths, legends, and other genres of oral literature/verbal art. The obvious overlap of certain aspects in folklore studies and anthropology is inter alia signaled by contemporary Persian terminology, most commonly rendering folklore as farhang-e mardom and anthropology as mardom-shenāsi.

The American newspaper is addicted to running news stories based upon the folklore of a people who delight in tall tales, seasonal weather prophecies of groundhogs and robins, and reports of haunted houses, gremlins and flying saucers. The author maintains that this is good editing.

An individual's adaptation to the loss of sight is strongly influenced by the beliefs, superstitions, folklore, and mythology of both the individual and those with whom he or she comes in contact. This article uses both case examples and reports of such beliefs from archives and world literature to illustrate the broad range of connections between folklore and blindness. Clinicians can use their knowledge of such beliefs to help their clients through the process of adapting to the loss of vision.

Pearls are some of the most frequently encountered gems in Russian folklore. This reflects their importance for Russian culture, where from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and up to the nineteenth century, they were among its symbols. Pearls were not only gems representing the highest strata of society and the highest clergy. They were relatively easily accessible to the common people, and even to the peasantry, especially in the Russian North, the territory of their extraction in Russia (the poor peasantry used imitations). The rootedness and high value of pearls in folk life contributed to the fact that words from the word-formation family жемчуг can be found in almost all genres of Russian folklore. This article aims to give a general idea of the relevance of the image of pearls in the texts of Russian folklore. The objectives of the article are also to highlight the genre breadth within which this image functions; to mention the themes and motifs in which there are references to pearls; to reveal the symbolism of pearls in folklore texts; to note the textual partners that most often accompany the appearance of pearls in folklore. The article mostly refers to Songs Collected by P. N. Rybnikov; collections of lamentations by E. V. Barsov and B. B. Efimenkova; collection of fairy tales by A. N. Afanasyev; song collection by A. I. Sobolevsky and some other collections of local and all-Russian folklore.

Résumé. — La migration rurale au Pérou amène à Lima des milliers de paysans porteurs de folklore andin. A partir de 1945, l'Etat péruvien exerce pour quelques années un contrôle rigoureux sur les spectacles folkloriques offerts par des artistes amateurs dans les grandes salles populaires de la capitale. L'expérience, dirigée par l'écrivain José Maria Arguedas, permet d'éliminer les exhibitions frauduleuses et d'encourager les artistes respectueux du folklore, que l'Etat considère pour la première fois comme un élément essentiel du patrimoine national. Ce contrôle autoritaire se diluera à partir de 1953.

Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan (2006) elicits extreme and contradictory audience responses. Some filmgoers find it amusing and clever, while others consider it repulsive, even obscene. Analyzing the film's hero as a traditional and archetypical trickster figure, a master of contradictions, a violator of boundaries, can help explain audience reaction. But while traditional folklore tricksters act in a fantasy world, Sacha Baron Cohen entered the lives of real people in trickster (dis) guise. For theater audiences removed from the interactions that created Borat, this film might serve the function of traditional trickster narratives, even as those appearing in the film feel exploited. By using real people and real situations, Baron Cohen has also precluded a follow-up or sequel: folkloric tricksters adapt with time, but a person immediately recognizable as a Hollywood figure cannot reassume trickster (dis)guise.