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summary: Having regard to the place of astucism in the characterisation of: in the ancient Greek tradition, from archaic literature to socratic circle thinking, it draws attention to the fact that there is nothing in Platon as it does. astute. Apart from Hipias Menor, which gives an ambiguous assessment of its own assessment. of Odiseo, the Spanish Government it is rarely defined by its terminology — this is not a distinctive feature of the latter. or, on the basis of knowledge of certain things, it does not do so. Their lack of treatment has meant a shift away from the topic of most interpreters. In order to remedy this situation, I am using an interpretation in this article that diagnoses the absence of an attribute such as astucia in the conceptualisation of that concept. in Platon, but not as the result of a simple conviction or censorship as argued, for example, by Detienne and Vernant 1978 and suggested by Montiglio 2011. In this work, I propose that Platon would express a lack of interest in the treatment of these attributes. On the basis of the analysis of the platonic corpus, I seek to show that the attributes of intelligence, although regarded as beneficial and desirable qualities, have no more instrumental value in terms of achieving truth and good. ; Resumen: Considerando el lugar que tiene la astucia en la caracterización de σοφία en la tradición griega antigua, desde la literatura del período arcaico hasta el pensamiento del círculo socrático, llama la atención que en Platón no exista algo como el σοφός astuto. Aparte del Hipias Menor, que presenta una valoración ambigua de la πολυτροπία de Odiseo, el σοφός casi nunca es definido por su inteligencia-ésta no es una característica distintiva del σοφός o del φιλόσοφος-, sino por el conocimiento de ciertas cosas. Su falta de tratamiento ha significado un abandono del tema de parte de la mayoría de los intérpretes. A fin de remediar esta situación, en este artículo ofrezco una interpretación que diagnostica la ausencia de un atributo como la astucia en ...

Summary The article inquires about the incentives of associations as a form of political participation at local level. The aim is to analyse data from a survey applied to members of civil associations in the municipality of Ciudad Juárez. The analysis is carried out using the multiple matching technique, in order to discriminate and assess the proximity of variables to construct more explanatory categories. The results indicate that the variables that bring together civic participation and external effectiveness appear as incentives for associations. The interpretation of this result leads to the conclusion that the main incentive for individuals to associate is civic participation. Associative action increases the sense of external effectiveness, as individuals perceive this form of participation, being carried out collectively rather than individually, to be more effective and taken into account by the government. Future research will explore different types of incentives for political activism within associations. ; Resumen El artículo indaga sobre los incentivos del asociacionismo como forma de participación política a escala local. El objetivo es analizar los datos de una encuesta aplicada a los miembros de asociaciones civiles en el municipio de Ciudad Juárez. El análisis se efectúa mediante la técnica de correspondencias múltiples, con el fin de discriminar y evaluar la proximidad de variables para construir categorías con mayor relevancia explicativa. Los resultados advierten que las variables que agrupan la participación ciudadana y la eficacia externa figuran como los incentivos del asociacionismo. La interpretación de este resultado permite concluir que el principal incentivo de los individuos para asociarse es la participación ciudadana. La acción asociativa incrementa el sentido de eficacia externa, ya que los individuos perciben que esta forma de participación, al realizarse de forma colectiva y no individual, es más eficaz y es tomada en cuenta por el gobierno. En futuras investigaciones se ...

In order to clarify the current drifts of authoritarianism, a critical examination of the approaches to the notion of authority in political thought is undertaken. Tracking the two dominant approaches to authority, we try to show the need to make them more complex, conceiving it as a phenomenon that is based on both recognition and domination. Here it is argued that since the middle of the last century there has been a strengthening of the dimension of domination as well as a shift from authoritarianism as a form of state organization towards social types and modalities of authoritarian subjectivation. The article focuses on paterfamilias figure and on fatherland notion in Hannah Arendt's thought as two fundaments to analyze the authoritarian dynamics that structure the prevailing social modes of relating and forging political communities. ; En función de esclarecer las derivas actuales del autoritarismo, se emprende un examen crítico de los abordajes de la noción de autoridad en el pensamiento político. Rastreando las dos aproximaciones dominantes a la autoridad, se procura mostrar la necesidad de complejizarlas, concibiéndolo como un fenómeno que se sustenta tanto en el reconocimiento como en la dominación. Aquí se sostiene que se ha producido desde mediados del siglo pasado un fortalecimiento de la dimensión de la dominación a la vez que un desplazamiento desde el autoritarismo como forma de organización estatal hacia tipos sociales y modalidades de subjetivación autoritarias. El artículo se centra en la figura del paterfamilias y en la noción de patria en el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt como dos pilares para analizar la dinámica autoritaria que estructuran los modos sociales imperantes de relacionarse y forjar las comunidades políticas. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

2707 2714 8 ; S ; Ayllón, M. L., Martinez, M. G., Mosquera, M. R., Laguna Martinez, J. J., Martiartu, M. O., & Fernández de Miguel, C. (1995). Fixed eruption caused by ciprofloxacin without cross-sensitivity to norfloxacin. Allergy, 50(7), 598-599. doi:10.1111/j.1398-9995.1995.tb01206.x Sánchez-Morillas, L., Rojas Pérez-Ezquerra, P., Reaño-Martos, M., Laguna-Martínez, J. J., & Gómez-Tembleque, P. (2010). Systemic anaphylaxis caused by moxifloxacin. Allergologia et Immunopathologia, 38(4), 226-227. doi:10.1016/j.aller.2009.09.008 ; [EN] BACKGROUND: Quinolones are the second most frequent cause of hypersensitivity reactions (HSRs) to antibiotics. A marked increase in the number of patients with HSRs to quinolones has been detected. OBJECTIVE: To describe the clinical characteristics of patients with HSRs to quinolones and present methods for their diagnosis. METHODS: Patients attending the allergy unit due to reactions suggestive of HSRs to quinolones were prospectively evaluated between 2005 and 2018. Diagnosis was achieved using clinical history, skin tests (STs), basophil activation tests (BATs), and drug provocation tests (DPTs) if ST and BAT results were negative. RESULTS: We included 128 subjects confirmed as having HSRs to quinolones and 42 found to be tolerant. Anaphylaxis was the most frequent entity in immediate HSRs and was most commonly induced by moxifloxacin. Patients were evaluated a median of 150 days (interquartile range, 60-365 days) after the reaction. Of patients who underwent ST and BAT, 40.7% and 70%, respectively, were positive. DPT with a quinolone was performed in 48 cases, giving results depending on the culprit drug: when moxifloxacin was involved, 62.5% of patients gave a positive DPT result to ciprofloxacin, whereas none reacted to levofloxacin. The risk of HSR was 96 times higher in subjects who reported moxifloxacin-induced anaphylaxis and 18 times higher in those reporting immediate reactions compared with clinical entities induced by quinolones other than moxi-floxacin and ...

Na Argentina, o normalismo começou com a criação da primeira Escola Normal de Paraná em 1870, sob o impulso do presidente Domingo F. Sarmiento. Em 1968, durante um governo ditatorial foi decidido por Decreto encerrar definitivamente a experiência normalista como um ramo do ensino médio, passando-a para nível superior (terciário). Em 1970 foi aberta pela primeira vez a inscrição para os/as candidatos ao curso de formação de professores nas novas instituições. Este artigo irá analisar como o Estado planejou os inícios, o desenvolvimento e o fim de um sistema de Escolas Normais, onde foi estabelecida uma burocracia nacional destinada a formar professores/as de ensino fundamental e, em menor quantidade, professores/as de ensino médio, ao longo de 100 anos, isto é, entre 1870 e 1970. Reconstruiremos o processo de fundações das Escolas de Professores/as, caracterizaremos aquelas orientadas para a formação de professores/as para as escolas rurais, estudaremos a evolução das instituições privadas e, finalmente, chegaremos ao último período (1956-1969). ; In Argentina, the normalismo began with the creation of the first Normal School of Paraná in 1870, under the impulse of President Domingo F. Sarmiento. In 1968, the dictatorship government decided for Decree finished with the normalist experience as secondary level, passing it to the tertiary level. In 1970 opened for the first time the inscription for applicants to teaching in the new institutions. In this article, we will reconstruction the foundations of the first Normal Schools process, we will characterize the system of rural teachers, the Normal Schools of Professors, will study the evolution of private institutions and finally, we will stop at the last period (1956-1969). ; En Argentina, el normalismo se inició con la creación de la primera Escuela Normal de Paraná en 1870, bajo el impulso del presidente Domingo F. Sarmiento. En 1968, durante un gobierno dictatorial se decidió por Decreto terminar definitivamente con la experiencia normalista como rama del nivel ...

Summary of South American background is characterised by the deindustrialisation of its exports, which offer limited possibilities for productive diversification. This has led to poor economic and export performance, coupled with the maintenance of a neoextractivist model. In view of this scenario and the importance of boosting exports of South American manufacturing, we will use an expanded gravitational model estimated using panel data to determine the trade, geographical, collaborative and strategic variables that may influence manufacturing exports in South America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay) over the period 2001-2016. Results The export performance in manufacturing is dynamic, with positive effects of the gross domestic product of the importing country, countries with common borders and countries leaving the Pacific Ocean. The regional agreement on the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and Chile's bilateral agreements with Mercosur countries, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and China cannot affect this export process. Conclusions Regional and bilateral agreements should be led by strategic collaboration projects between South American countries, supported by government incentives in research, terrestrial connectivity and technological development. In addition, Brazil and Peru are boosting their manufacturing export development significantly, Chile and Argentina have gradually deteriorated, while Paraguay and Uruguay are in a state of permanence without any clear evolution. ; Resumen Antecedentes Sudamérica se caracteriza por la desindustrialización de sus exportaciones, las cuales ofrecen limitadas posibilidades de diversificación productiva. Esto ha provocado un mediocre desempeño económico y exportador, aunado al mantenimiento de un modelo neoextractivista. Metodología Dado este escenario y la importancia de impulsar las exportaciones de manufactura sudamericana, utilizaremos un modelo gravitacional ampliado y estimado mediante datos de panel para determinar las ...

Summary. This article shows how, during the implementation of campaigns against begging in Mexico City, 1930-1934, the state's social intervention articulated various purposes, resulting in a discontinuous process of public action on the poor. This action ranged between the intensity of care, the strengthening of police intervention and the targeting of the campaign towards certain groups of codes. We stress that the factionalist disputes and arrangements, as well as the personalist government of social policies, characterised these years of the post-revolution, and that, together with the economic slack, they delineated the rumbs that the State followed to contain the most visible effects of the gradual escalation on the streets of Mexico's capital. The statistical records that the Public Beneficence drew up during the campaign against begging from 1930 to 1934, as well as the records of the charities' association, are the documents that underpin this investigation. ; Resumen Este artículo muestra cómo, durante la ejecución de campañas contra la mendicidad en la Ciudad de México, 1930-1934, la intervención social del Estado articuló propósitos diversos, que derivaron en un proceso discontinuo de la acción pública sobre los pobres. Esta acción osciló entre la intensidad de la atención asistencial, el fortalecimiento de la intervención policiaca y la focalización de la campaña hacia ciertos grupos de mendigos. Destacamos que las disputas y los arreglos faccionalistas, así como el gobierno personalista de las políticas sociales, caracterizaron estos años de la posrevolución, y que aunado a las estrecheces económicas, delinearon los rumbos que el Estado siguió para contener los efectos más visibles de la pauperización en las calles de la capital de México. Los registros estadísticos que la Beneficencia Pública elaboró durante la campaña contra la mendicidad, desde 1930 hasta 1934, así como los libros de actas de la Junta de beneficencia, son los documentos que sustentan esta investigación.

59 68 318 ; S ; This is the author's version of a work that was accepted for publication in Journal of Computational and Applied Mathematics. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication. A definitive version was subsequently published in Journal of Computational and Applied Mathematics 318 (2017) 59–68. DOI 10.1016/j.cam.2016.11.048. The Non-Negative Matrix Factorization (NNMF) is a recent numerical tool that, given a nonnegative data matrix, tries to obtain its factorization as the approximate product of two nonnegative matrices. Nowadays, this factorization is being used in many science fields; in some of these fields, real-time computation of the NNMF is required. In some scenarios, all data is not initially available and when new data (as new rows or columns) becomes available the NNMF must be recomputed. Recomputing the whole factorization every time is very costly and not suitable for real time applications. In this paper we propose several algorithms to update the NNMF factorization taking advantage of the previously computed factorizations, with similar error and lower computational cost. © 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. This work has been partially supported by EU together with Spanish Government through TEC2015-67387-C4-1-R (MINECO/FEDER), by Generalitat Valenciana through PROMETEOII/2014/003 and by Programa de FPU del Ministerio de Educacion, Cultura y Deporte FPU13/03828 (Spain). We want to thank Dr. Pedro Vera and his team (University of Jaen) for providing us with their music analysis software. San Juan Sebastián, P.; Vidal Maciá, AM.; García Mollá, VM. (2016). Updating/downdating the NonNegative Matrix Factorization. Journal of Computational and Applied Mathematics. 318:59-68. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cam.2016.11.048

International audience Obviously the city of Mexico is far away from Europe. Nevertheless, it was the perfect exemplar of city organized along imperial lines. As the capital of 'New Spain' and the headquarters of the viceroy and archbishop, it was the showcase of Spain in America. But suddenly and unexpectedly, the Spanish government's colonial policy had to be reconsidered on 8 June 1692 when the most important riot in the history of the city of Mexico broke out. A crowd of thousands of Indians gathered on the Plaza Mayor and kept shouting 'long live the king, but kill the government'. They lynched the National Guards and burned every sign and symbol related to Spain. Far from being a mere food riot, it was a genuine political movement. The riot of 8 June 1692 was the result of 'good government police' that is to say 'police' understood in its original sense as good government of the city. This article examines the consequences of the revolt for the city's police and for the Spanish colonial order which was based upon the separation of the Spanish and Indian population.

writing about history means reviewing its past, the events and people that have formed its steps, its features, and tell remembrance. Studying the story of an advertising agency is an opportunity to understand the training of a company in the advertising market, involving the professional configuration; the structuring of the business line; the winning of customers; the relationship with competition and other players; the relationship with influencing bodies such as government and political, economic, cultural, legal and social movements, which often impose directorships on agencies and on advertising themselves. It is a moment to analyse the formation of the market itself in certain contexts. ; Escrever sobre a história significa rever o seu passado, os acontecimentos e pessoas que constituíram seus passos, suas características, e contar lembranças. Estudar a história de uma agência de publicidade é uma oportunidade para compreender a formação de uma empresa no mercado publicitário, envolvendo a configuração profissional; a estruturação da idéia de negócio; a conquista de clientes; o relacionamento com a concorrência e com os demais players; a relação com instâncias influenciadoras como o governo e os movimentos políticos, econômicos, culturais, legais e sociais que, muitas vezes, impõem direcionamentos às agências e ao próprio fazer publicitário. É um momento para analisar a constituição do próprio mercado em determinados contextos.

Street names in city maps may be interpreted as traces of memory practices and politics, and can clearly be identified as the products of hegemonic norms and values of a given time and place. In the following article we describe a project-oriented teaching unit for secondary school students. In the course of the project, students are instructed to research either their school or residential neighborhoods, looking at the persons and events commemorated and written into the city. These toponymic inscriptions can be analyzed by studying the naming practice of streets and squares. Which people and events are remembered and which are forgotten? Do these events and people indicate processes of social inclusion, exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination? Investigating naming practices will be the starting point for the students to develop their own naming suggestions, as well as encouraging their active engagement in further negotiation processes regarding naming practices in their towns and villages. The teaching proposal is based on the idea of a geography teaching that educates politically, and meets the requirements of a critical topography approach (VIELHABER 2012). Students will also gain experience in aspects of a critical map reading competence (GRYL 2009) and the work can also be situated within the context of critical place-name studies (ROSE-REDWOOD 2009).

After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; International audience ; After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; Après un rappel et une discussion des concepts clés, dont le « bonheur national brut », support de la communication touristique au Bhoutan, un des pays les plus fermés au monde, l'article interroge le contenu d'une politique touristique entièrement contrôlée par l'État et la monarchie bouddhiste. Le gouvernement mise clairement sur un tourisme d'élite pour remonter une situation économique alarmante et dépendante de l'Inde. Reposant sur deux piliers majeurs, la culture et l'environnement, la stratégie touristique tente de concilier les contradictions de l'ouverture du pays dans le contexte d'une rigoureuse politique de « ...

Since independence in 1957, Ghana has explored sustainable ways of attaining the WHO-defined goal of Health for All. Following transition from a completely government-funded system post-independence, to a full cost recovery, out-of-pocket payment system, the government continues to pursue strategies to increase accessibility to health services.

In April this year, the Islamist group Boko Haram has carried out a series of kidnappings of girls, students in schools in north-eastern Nigeria. Due to this internal conflict, President Goodluck Jonathan's government declared more than a year ago, the state of emergency. Since April 2013, approximately 750 people have lost their lives in the three states of Nigeria, as a result of various bomb and fire attacks, including in hospitals, churches and churches. The figures are alarming: in addition to the deaths, a significant number of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) must be added, which is the product of the incessant refrigeration between the military and the Boko Haram group. In this respect, the number of refugees in the border Republic of Chad amounts to approximately 42 000, while the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) is 254 812, distributed in the states declared in emergency as follows: in Borno State, 111 132; in the case of Yobe, 76 354; and in Adamawa State, 67 326. It should also be stressed that the role of the Nigerian State is not seen in favour by the International Community. Indeed, the military has led to persistent violations of human rights carried out in the past. President Jonathan, for his part, has shown indolences to the families of the girls who were abducted in April this year. Department of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. Institute for International Relations ; En el mes de abril del presente año, el grupo islamita Boko Haram ha llevado a cabo una serie de secuestros de niñas, estudiantes en escuelas del noreste de Nigeria. Debido a este de conflicto interno, el gobierno del Presidente Goodluck Jonathan declaro hace más de un año, el estado de emergencia. Desde abril de 2013, aproximadamente 750 personas han perdido la vida en los tres estados de aquella región de Nigeria, como consecuencia de diversos atentados con bombas e incendios, e inclusive perpetrados en hospitales, iglesias y escuelas de la misma. Las cifras son alarmantes: a ...

Many public policies that aim to regulate, directly or indirectly, individual or collective conduct rely on the deployment of a type of instrument that we call a "label". Taking as a case study the comparison of sustainable consumption policy with that of the fight against obesity, and drawing on the analysis of safety features carried out by Foucault (2004), we propose to highlight some of the key features of this type of government. In particular, we show that it is influencing the willingness of actors to position themselves and distinguish themselves from each other in a given competitive field, in order to steer them flexibly towards options that public policy actors consider collectively beneficial. The logic of this method of government is not the stabilisation of a standard that makes it possible to standardise the entities and practices of a field, but the continuous creation of ever more demanding labels which only some of the members will be able to apply for. ; De nombreuses politiques publiques qui visent à réguler, directement ou indirectement, les conduites individuelles ou collectives s'appuient sur le déploiement d'un type d'instrument que nous qualifions de « label ». En prenant pour cas d'étude la comparaison de la politique de la consommation durable et celle de la lutte contre l'obésité, et en nous inspirant de l'analyse des dispositifs de sécurité menée par Foucault (2004), nous proposons de mettre en évidence certaines des caractéristiques essentielles de ce mode de gouvernement. Nous montrons en particulier que celui-ci joue sur la volonté que manifestent les acteurs pour se positionner et se distinguer les uns par rapport aux autres dans un champ concurrentiel donné, afin de les orienter, de manière souple, vers des options que les acteurs de l'action publique considèrent comme collectivement bénéfiques. La logique de ce mode de gouvernement n'est pas la stabilisation d'un standard qui permette l'uniformisation des entités et pratiques d'un champ, mais la création continue de labels ...