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R. K. White's indices of war propaganda or conflict-mindedness were tested further, using his method of value-analysis, on a wide range of S's. 4 of the 7 indices were validated in their original form, & 2 others were validated in a modified form. The 5 validated indices showed that war propaganda was characterized by high values placed upon nat'l strength, moral indignation, disguised aggression, & neglect of welfare values. An application of these indices in the value-analysis of pol'al ideologies, including communism, in its value-system, & signif'ly higher than the others in militarism, authoritarianism, & antiwelfarism, disproving the belief that communism & fascism are similar in any of these respects. AA.

Faced with the opportunities and challenges in the era of "we media" in universities, this paper proposes to give full play to the backbone of students in Ideological and political propaganda work. Using the "Olympic" mechanism to train and guide them systematically, enhance their ideological awareness, improve their knowledge reserves, optimize their propaganda level. In this way, the backbone of students in Ideological and political propaganda work can really help the ideological and political education in Colleges and universities.

During World War II, Latin America became a territory of ideological and political confrontation between Allied and Axis countries. After Hitler's rise to power in 1933, the influence of the National Socialist ideology spread with great strength throughout Latin America. Different movements and political parties that supported Hitler and the Axis union appeared in several countries in the region. In response, the United States executed a cultural intervention plan to stop the advance of Nazism through advertising campaigns. The present article investigates the expansion of Nazi propaganda outside the territories of the Third Reich, in more neutral territories such as Ecuador. It will examine the main spaces of distribution, and the type of propaganda cinema that was released in the country from 1934 to 1941, with the aim to discover how significant were the premieres that came to Ecuador during the conflict. ; Durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, América Latina se convirtió en un territorio de confrontación ideológica y política entre los países Aliados y Ejistas. A partir de la ascensión de Hitler al poder en 1933, la influencia de la ideología nacionalsocialista tomó mucha fuerza en toda América Latina. Aparecieron en varios países de la región movimientos y partidos políticos que apoyaban a Hitler y a la unión ejista. Como respuesta, Estados Unidos ejecutó un plan de intervención cultural para frenar el avance del nazismo a través de campañas publicitarias. La presente investigación indaga sobre la expansión de propaganda nazi por fuera de los territorios del Tercer Reich hacia territorios más neutrales como Ecuador, los principales espacios para su difusión y el tipo de cine de propaganda que se estrenó en el país desde 1934 hasta 1941, con el objetivo de descubrir qué tan significativos fueron los estrenos que llegaron al Ecuador durante el conflicto.

Hearings held January 3, 1964. ; At head of title: 88th Cong., 1st sess. Committee print. ; Includes bibliographical footnotes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

On 1 November 1982, DENG LIQUN the Secretary in the Secretariat and concurrently Head of the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, made an important speech at the All China Conference on Ideological and Political Work in the Countryside. Some excerpts from the speech, revealing the political situation in the countryside, were published in GUANGMING RIBAO ( 7 November 1982, Beijing). The excerpts are reproduced below. The translation into English is by SHEELA M URT HY.

This paper presents and compares the image of "the barbaric Turk" in the politicalideological discourses and the perception of "the Turk" as a dangerous, cosmos-disturbing Foreigner in Slovene folklore. The centuries-old concept of "the barbarian", ideological propaganda and the archaic fear of the threatening Outsider in traditional culture all contributed in the process formation of a certain imagery of "the Turk".

The article is devoted to a detailed sociological analysis of the phenomena of propaganda and counter-propaganda, which are the main tools for managing information, controlling public opinion, behavior, and the system of views and ideas of people. In the process of the formation of an electronic digital society, propaganda changes, but its essence, goals and objectives remain essentially unchanged. Modern propaganda is a complex and multifaceted socio-political phenomenon of undoubted interest for many humanities and social sciences, primarily psychology and political science, but it is especially relevant for sociology. The author analyzes and compares the approaches of two outstanding theorists, pioneers of propaganda – G. Lasswell and E. Bernays. Thus, the priority for introducing the term "propaganda" into wide scientific circulation belongs to the American political scientist and social thinker Harold Lasswell, who developed an effective model for organizing propaganda" during the First World War. Propaganda is a "war of ideas about ideas"; it refers exclusively to "the control of opinion by means of significant symbols, or, more specifically, although less precisely, by means of stories, rumors, reports, pictures and other forms of social communication". According to another prominent theorist, Edward Bernays, "the mechanism of large-scale dissemination of ideas is propaganda in the broad sense of the word – as a set of organized efforts to introduce a particular belief or theory". The article identifies two main approaches to the interpretation of the term propaganda, different in scope, as well as in semantic and value content. The first of them is broad and value-neutral, and the second is narrow and quite ideological. In this approach, the prevailing emphasis is on the class nature of propaganda, the targeted introduction, through its tools, of the attitudes and values of a particular (usually ruling) class or its ideology into the mass consciousness. The author emphasizes that the phenomenon of propaganda implies a targeted communicative process of transmitting to a specific audience, with the help of special means and methods, certain (often constructed) information that can influence its opinion, attitudes, and ultimately its worldview and subsequent behavior. To create a clearer idea of the phenomenon of propaganda is possible by highlighting its essential characteristics, which are outlined in this article. An integral element of propaganda is counter-propaganda – a specialized area of ideological activity, the content of which is to expose the goals, methods and arguments of hostile propaganda, and to neutralize ideological sabotage. At the first stages of scientific analysis of propaganda, it was often interpreted as a homogeneous activity combining various elements of socio-political and cultural life. At present, this interpretation seems simplistic, given the ever-increasing variety of materials disseminated through propaganda. Thus, in practice there is an increasingly clear differentiation of types of propaganda on various grounds, which the author analyzes in detail. Particular attention paid to the category "sociological propaganda", which some researchers do not always consciously and legitimately operate. It is more appropriate to talk about social propaganda or cultural propaganda, the nature of which is significantly different from political propaganda. The article outlines the subject field of sociological analysis of the phenomenon of propaganda both within the framework of general and special sociological theory – the sociology of propaganda, and outlines its promising directions in the electronic and digital era.

The hypothesis is defended that totalitarian leadership aims at the comprehensive & detailed control of all ideas, beliefs & statements in order to create the maximum insecurity among the people it controls. Taking examples from the 3 types of totalitarian regime--Germany under Hitler, Russia under Stalin, & China under Mao--the hyp is shown to account for the relevant data more satisfactorily than its principal alternative, which maintains that the data are to be understood in terms of a dogma or doctrine which determines the totalitarian's activities & to which he obliges everyone to conform. Under the alternative hyp, the existence of doctrine cannot be established &, even if it is assumed, the contradictory & arbitrary 'ideological' practices that characterize totalitarian regimes cannot be accounted for. To explain these practices by a general hyp, instead of merely accepting them or explaining them singly, the hypothesis of total insecurity is necessary. IPSA.

Since its initial formulation in 1988, the Herman-Chomsky Propaganda Model (PM) has become one of the most widely tested models of media performance in the social sciences. This is largely due to the combined efforts of a loose group of international scholars as well as an increasing number of students who have produced studies in the US, UK, Canadian, Australian, Japanese, Chinese, German, and Dutch contexts, amongst others. Yet, the PM has also been marginalised in media and communication scholarship, largely due to the fact that the PM"s radical scholarly outlook challenges the liberal and conservative underpinnings of mainstream schools of thought in capitalist democracies. This paper brings together, for the first time, leading scholars to discuss important questions pertaining to the PM"s origins, public relevance, connections to other approaches within Communication Studies and Cultural Studies, applicability in the social media age, as well as impact and influence. The paper aligns with the 30th anniversary of the PM and the publication of the collected volume, The Propaganda Model Today, and highlights the PM"s continued relevance at a time of unprecedented corporate consolidation of the media, extreme levels of inequality and class conflict as well as emergence of new forms of authoritarianism.

This paper discusses the ideology of Indonesian hizbuttahrir as a transnational Islamic group founded by Taqiyuddin An Nabhani in Jordan who sought to form a Khilafah Islamiyah government in Indonesia. After conducting an in-depth study, there were several findings that led to a spirit of ideology developing rapidly and even coloring the republic. First, there are three stages of propaganda propaganda method consisting of Tatsqif (introduction), Tafa'ul (formation of awareness and general opinion about khilafah), istilamul hukmi (revolutionary movement by building the daulah Islam with the khilafah system). Second, when Islam was made an ideology by HTI indirectly Islam as a message of divinity had entered the ideological realm which contained interests and power. Through this region that Islam is no longer present, but an understanding of Islam, which coloring it. It was at this time that the emotions and fantasies of the religious collective were built even into an undeniable force. When hearing the word HTI, what is reflected in his memory is Islam and that makes no sense. Thus, without any burden and full of public trust, he said that he did not defend HTI but instead defended Islam. One way to get out and survive from propaganda, this paper provides anticipatory offers based on the nationalism of the archipelago king, including social sensitivity, economic independence, as well as culture, justice and peace, togetherness and involvement of intellectuals, government, religious leaders, and communities to exercise control country.