Suchergebnisse

This research is aimed to 1) explore people's expectation of local newspapers in the context of Chiang Mai 2) investigate local newspapers' roles in relation to local community and hurdles they are facing and 3) analyze the papers' content vis-à-vis how they represent the local leading to ways to promote these communication outlets to be civic media. Employing content analysis, interview and survey research, the study found that research respondents have high expectations of local newspapers and particularly, their roles to represent local interests (= 4.43). However, they see the existing roles of these media is only on average level (= 2.67). Both internal and external unfavorable factors obstruct these media. In order to turn themselves to be civic media, local newspapers have to massively concentrate on content related to crises of Chiang Mai, i.e. environment issues and provide more spaces to sources other than government agencies, especially those associating with local community and civil society. Giving opportunities to people to report stories is another way to make media closely link to their target readers. Finally, they must immensely utilize online media in order to reach larger receivers. ; การวิจัยครั้งนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อ 1) ศึกษาถึงความคาดหวังของประชาชนผู้รับสารต่อบทบาทหน้าที่ของหนังสือพิมพ์ท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดเชียงใหม่ 2) ศึกษาถึงบทบาท และปัจจัยที่เป็นอุปสรรคถ่วงรั้งการพัฒนาสื่อดังกล่าว และ 3) เพื่อศึกษาวิเคราะห์เกี่ยวกับการนำเสนอเนื้อหาเกี่ยวกับชุมชนท้องถิ่น และแนวทางในการส่งเสริมให้หนังสือพิมพ์ท้องถิ่นในจังหวัดเชียงใหม่เป็นสื่อพลเมือง (Civic Journalism) ใช้วิธีการศึกษาด้วยการวิเคราะห์เนื้อหา การออกแบบสอบถาม และการสัมภาษณ์ ผลการศึกษาพบว่าผู้ตอบแบบสอบถามมีความคาดหวังต่อบทบาทของหนังสือพิมพ์ท้องถิ่นเชียงใหม่ในระดับมาก (= 4.10) โดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่งความคาดหวังต่อบทบาทในด้านการทำหน้าที่เป็นปากเสียงให้กับชุมชนท้องถิ่น (= 4.43) ส่วนบทบาทต่อชุมชนท้องถิ่นที่เป็นอยู่ในปัจจุบันของหนังสือพิมพ์ท้องถิ่นนั้น ผู้ตอบแบบสอบถามให้ค่าเฉลี่ยในระดับปานกลาง (= 2.67) ซึ่งถือเป็นระดับที่ต่ำกว่าความคาดหวัง มีปัจจัยถ่วงรั้งที่ถ่วงรั้งการพัฒนาทั้งภายในและภายนอก การพัฒนาหนังสือพิมพ์ท้องถิ่นเชียงใหม่ไปสู่ความเป็นสื่อพลเมืองที่ผูกพันกับชุมชนท้องถิ่นนั้น จะต้องเสนอประเด็นข่าวปัญหาที่เป็นวิกฤตของชาวเมืองเชียงใหม่อย่างเข้มข้นและต่อเนื่องโดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่งปัญหาสิ่งแวดล้อม และเปิดพื้นที่ให้กับแหล่งข่าวที่ไม่ใช่ภาคราชการให้มากขึ้น รวมถึงการเปิดให้ชุมชนท้องถิ่นเข้ามามีส่วนร่วมในลักษณะของนักข่าวพลเมือง นอกจากนี้จะต้องมีการนำสื่อใหม่และสื่อสังคมออนไลน์เข้ามาใช้เพื่อการเข้าถึงผู้รับสารได้มากขึ้น

This article conducts a case study of China's influence on Pakistan by collecting and analysing news coverage from two prominent English and Urdu newspapers in Pakistan for a five-year period between 2013 and 2018. It compares the changes in newspaper reporting before and after the launch of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015. Analysis has shown a significant increase in positive reporting on the CPEC and China. The case of Pakistan is representative of its recognition of China's soft power in a developing country, thus offering a new perspective on China's goodwill vis-à-vis the Belt and Road Initiative.

This paper investigates the impact of increased media competition on the quantity and quality of news provided and, ultimately, on political participation. I build a new county-level panel dataset of local newspaper presence, newspapers' number of journalists, costs and revenues and political turnout in France, from 1944 to 2014. I estimate the effect of newspaper entry by comparing counties that experience entry to similar counties in the same years that do not. Both sets of counties exhibit similar trends prior to entry, but those with entry experience substantial declines in the average number of journalists. An increased number of newspapers is also associated with fewer articles and less hard news provision. Newspaper entry, and the associated decline in information provision, is ultimately found to decrease voter turnout at local elections. Exploiting the long time span covered by my data, I discuss a number of mechanisms that may drive these empirical findings. First, I examine the relationship between increased competition and media capture in the aftermath of WW2, when newspapers were biased and the advertising market was underdeveloped. I then show that in the recent period the effects are stronger in counties with more homogeneous populations, as predicted by a vertical product differentiation framework, whereas there is little impact in counties with more heterogeneous populations.

This paper investigates the impact of increased media competition on the quantity and quality of news provided and, ultimately, on political participation. I build a new county-level panel dataset of local newspaper presence, newspapers' number of journalists, costs and revenues and political turnout in France, from 1944 to 2014. I estimate the effect of newspaper entry by comparing counties that experience entry to similar counties in the same years that do not. Both sets of counties exhibit similar trends prior to entry, but those with entry experience substantial declines in the average number of journalists. An increased number of newspapers is also associated with fewer articles and less hard news provision. Newspaper entry, and the associated decline in information provision, is ultimately found to decrease voter turnout at local elections. Exploiting the long time span covered by my data, I discuss a number of mechanisms that may drive these empirical findings. First, I examine the relationship between increased competition and media capture in the aftermath of WW2, when newspapers were biased and the advertising market was underdeveloped. I then show that in the recent period the effects are stronger in counties with more homogeneous populations, as predicted by a vertical product differentiation framework, whereas there is little impact in counties with more heterogeneous populations.

This study analyzed local and national news-papers to determine how each framed the Jena Six controversy and to determine if either broke from traditional episodic coverage in framing crime and African Americans. Local papers more frequently put a human face on the issue, while national papers more frequently framed it as a moral wrong. However, unlike previous studies, this analysis found that both local and national papers used more thematic than episodic coverage, suggesting that sometimes the circumstances surrounding a crime can be so egregious that societal factors must be included in coverage.

This paper investigates the impact of increased media competition on the quantity and quality of news provided and, ultimately, on political participation. Drawing upon existing literature on vertical product differentiation, I explore the conditions under which an increase in the number of newspapers can decrease both the quantity and quality of news provided. I build a new county-level panel dataset of local newspaper presence, newspapers' newsrooms, costs and revenues and political turnout in France, from 1944 to 2014. I estimate the effect of newspaper entry by comparing counties that experience entry to similar counties in the same years that do not. Both sets of counties exhibit similar trends prior to newspaper entry, but those with entry experience substantial declines in the average number of journalists (business-stealing effect). An increased number of newspapers is also associated with fewer articles and less hard news provision. These effects are stronger in counties with more homogeneous populations, as predicted by my simple theoretical framework, whereas there is little impact in counties with more heterogeneous populations. Newspaper entry, and the associated decline in information provision, is ultimately found to decrease voter turnout at local elections.

This paper investigates the impact of increased media competition on the quantity and quality of news provided and, ultimately, on political participation. Drawing upon existing literature on vertical product differentiation, I explore the conditions under which an increase in the number of newspapers can decrease both the quantity and quality of news provided. I build a new county-level panel dataset of local newspaper presence, newspapers' newsrooms, costs and revenues and political turnout in France, from 1944 to 2014. I estimate the effect of newspaper entry by comparing counties that experience entry to similar counties in the same years that do not. Both sets of counties exhibit similar trends prior to newspaper entry, but those with entry experience substantial declines in the average number of journalists (business-stealing effect). An increased number of newspapers is also associated with fewer articles and less hard news provision. These effects are stronger in counties with more homogeneous populations, as predicted by my simple theoretical framework, whereas there is little impact in counties with more heterogeneous populations. Newspaper entry, and the associated decline in information provision, is ultimately found to decrease voter turnout at local elections.

This dissertation examines the ability of the media to monitor politicians and the ability of voters to acquire politically relevant information. The dissertation is primarily made up of three separate papers. The first paper (Chapter 2) asks why citizens routinely fail to vote out of step representatives out of office and what institutions can help voters hold politicians accountable. To the extent that politicians exploit voters' lack of information to win at the ballot box despite shirking in Congress, the press could foster democratic accountability by sounding the alarm on out of step representatives and alerting otherwise inattentive voters that it is time for change. In the first paper in my dissertation I collect an original dataset of local newspaper coverage of candidates in the 2010 House election in order to find out whether newspapers play this role for voters and act as a watchdog of incumbent representatives. After working with research assistants to provide human classification of a random subset of these articles, I use a text as data machine learning approach to measure the content of the much larger volume of articles that we cannot read. After validating an ensemble ``SuperLearner'' by demonstrating out-of-sample classification accuracy that for many features approaches human inter-coder agreement, I show that challengers receive less coverage than incumbents in competitive districts, horse race coverage displaces policy coverage, and newspapers do not sound the alarm on out of step incumbents. Newspapers do provide a whiff of scandal when representatives are referred to the House Ethics Committee for potential ethics violations, but they do not criticize representatives accused of some form of corruption at significantly higher rates. Even in congressional districts that closely correspond to newspaper markets, journalists act as neither watchdog nor lapdog, but instead provide overwhelmingly neutral coverage, failing to criticize incumbents who vote against a majority of their constituents on landmark legislation.The second paper (Chapter 3) provides experimental evidence that candidate appearance influences vote choice. According to numerous studies, candidates' looks predict voters' choices---a finding that raises concerns about voter competence and about the quality of elected officials. This potentially worrisome finding, however, is observational and therefore vulnerable to alternative explanations. To better test the appearance effect, we conducted two experiments. Just before primary and general elections for various offices, we randomly assigned voters to receive ballots with and without candidate photos. Simply showing voters these pictures increased the vote for appearance-advantaged candidates. Experimental evidence therefore supports the view that candidates' looks could influence some voters. In general elections, we find that high-knowledge voters appear immune to this influence, while low-knowledge voters use appearance as a low-information heuristic. In primaries, however, candidate appearance influences even high-knowledge and strongly partisan voters.The third paper (Chapter 4) examines which major events in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign saw only a brief spike in coverage and which became a more permanent feature of campaign coverage. In particular, I analyze coverage of six major events in the presidential campaign to test the hypothesis that news outlets of all persuasions will cover major events as news, but only partisan outlets will continue to discuss negative stories about their opponents long after the event that made the topic news. Broadly, I find that all outlets do indeed pick up major stories temporarily, but that the more tradition news news organization in my study does not stick with a higher level of coverage of any topic after a seven day window following the related event. Partisan outlets, in contrast, either continue to cover negative stories about the opposing candidate at a higher rate or were already on the story before a related event caused everyone else to temporarily pick up the story. Finally, Chapter 5 discusses the implications of my findings for democratic accountability and the health of American democracy. I conclude that for the most part democracy is conducted in a dim light.

This article examines differences in news coverage of female candidates using a media sociology framework that examines the interplay between organizational, routine, and individual levels of influence. The analyses find that national and local newspapers are more likely to write about the political qualifications of female candidates relative to male candidates, and female journalists at local newspapers are most likely to write about women's political qualifications. Female candidates receive more feminine stereotypic coverage across newspapers, especially in all-women elections. These results uncover important differences across media organizations that affect how female candidates develop their campaign strategies and voter decision-making.