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"This edited book explores the shifting definitions and implications of mass violence and investigates the premise that the perpetrators' decision regarding their choice of weapon(s) to carry out their planned mass violence is based upon their accessibility to particular weapons. This leads to whether perpetrators of mass violence share similar goals and motivations for their sprees, as well as display commonalities in their direct and indirect warning behaviors"--

Laura E. Agnich and Meghan Hale on the rational, if overblown, fears reconfiguring classrooms.

Webster reviews A NOT-SO-DISTANT HORROR: Mass Violence in East Timor by Joseph Nevins.

Laura Robson examines the interactions between international and regional political economies of oil and water, and the increasingly explicit colonial and postcolonial politics of ethno-national identity centered around the question of Palestine, arguing that the Middle East's emergence as a 'zone of violence' only developed over the past century.

Recent anthropological works on the aftermath of mass violence can be studied as having generated a negative methodology. New work has addressed the gaps, voids, and hollows of knowledge production in and about sites of mass atrocity and is developing novel research practices within these schisms. While considering the (im)possibility of research as the condition of possibility (as well as the question) for anthropological (and historical) work on the long durée of mass violence, this review highlights some adverse ethnographic methods that have emerged (and have been conceptualized) in the interstices. A critical positionality vis-à-vis anthropology's positive outlook for evidentiary presences in the field has moved scholars of mass atrocity and its aftermath toward methods that would tarry in and through the negative.

This study aims to explore the reasons for the problems that trigger broader mass violence, both in the form of structural conditions in society as well as the factors that trigger crime and social dynamics that trigger mass violence. The main research method used is a qualitative approach to the type of research criminally. The results of the research show that at the end of this time the social integration ties that are owned by the community are not so strong that the provocateurs of violence in the community are able to ravage the solidarity that is intertwined within the community. The joints of democratic society which should function to normalize normal social-political interaction relations, in the end actually caused mass violence, such conditions create anomistic situations occur, members of society both individually and in groups are so easy to play their own way. Therefore, the legal institutions as a formal rule of the game and apply to everyone, are experiencing a crisis of authority. The fundamental reason why this happens is that there are often different legal decisions against each violator of the law. As a result, there is no certainty that the law is truly an objective norm that applies to all. People who have been relatively safe in the normalcy of their environment have turned into mutual suspicion. As a result of this, collective disappointment arises over legal institutions, so that losing motivation to obey the law people tend not to believe in the legal process, which results in acts of mass violence in the community.

What explains regional variations in the frequency and form of mass categorical violence? I first develop then test, via process tracing, a theory to answer this question. Employing process tracing in Central Java during the 1965–66 Indonesian Killings, I argue that these variations are conditioned by state intelligence capacity. Low intelligence capacity forces troops to rely upon civilian elites for information. This provides opportunities for civilian elites to widen targeting criteria, increasing the number of victims. Due to logistical constraints, security forces are also more likely to opt for lethal violence when they have low intelligence capacity, as they frequently struggle with caring for such large numbers of detainees. I further illustrate these findings by comparing the provinces of West Java and East Java. Data for this project is drawn from diplomatic archives, internal military publications, and a series of interviews with victims and participants in the Indonesian Killings.

From the deserts of Sudan to the jungles of Colombia, from the streets of Belfast to the mountains of Kurdistan, paramilitaries have appeared in violent conflicts. Üngör presents a comparative and global overview of paramilitarism, showing how states use it to successfully outsource mass political violence against civilians.