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We present a model of deliberative inclusion, focusing on reciprocity in the interaction between structural minorities/disadvantaged groups and majorities/privileged groups. Our model, however, comes with a 'friendly amendment': we have put the 'burden of reciprocity' mainly on majorities and privileged groups. It is mainly their obligation to seriously listen and respond to the demands and arguments of minorities and disadvantaged groups and show a willingness to respect and accommodate these interests. Empirically, we apply our model to the interaction of linguistic groups in the Swiss parliament. We find a highly egalitarian, sometimes even minority-favoring mode of interaction between the German-speaking majority and linguistic minorities. The German-speaking majority seems to be willing to take the 'burden of reciprocity' when linguistic minorities' vital interests are concerned. Conversely, linguistic minorities are slightly more self-referential and adversarial under such conditions.

We present a model of deliberative inclusion, focusing on reciprocity in the interaction between structural minorities/disadvantaged groups and majorities/privileged groups. Our model, however, comes with a 'friendly amendment': we have put the 'burden of reciprocity' mainly on majorities and privileged groups. It is mainly their obligation to seriously listen and respond to the demands and arguments of minorities and disadvantaged groups and show a willingness to respect and accommodate these interests. Empirically, we apply our model to the interaction of linguistic groups in the Swiss parliament. We find a highly egalitarian, sometimes even minority-favoring mode of interaction between the German-speaking majority and linguistic minorities. The German-speaking majority seems to be willing to take the 'burden of reciprocity' when linguistic minorities' vital interests are concerned. Conversely, linguistic minorities are slightly more self-referential and adversarial under such conditions.

We present a model of deliberative inclusion, focusing on reciprocity in the interaction between structural minorities/disadvantaged groups and majorities/privileged groups. Our model, however, comes with a 'friendly amendment': we have put the 'burden of reciprocity' mainly on majorities and privileged groups. It is mainly their obligation to seriously listen and respond to the demands and arguments of minorities and disadvantaged groups and show a willingness to respect and accommodate these interests. Empirically, we apply our model to the interaction of linguistic groups in the Swiss parliament. We find a highly egalitarian, sometimes even minority-favoring mode of interaction between the German-speaking majority and linguistic minorities. The German-speaking majority seems to be willing to take the 'burden of reciprocity' when linguistic minorities' vital interests are concerned. Conversely, linguistic minorities are slightly more self-referential and adversarial under such conditions.

This study sought to explain the contribution imbalance between minority and majority members of multicultural task groups in terms of differences in personal characteristics outside of racial or ethnic identity. Business students who volunteered to participate in a decision-making exercise were assigned to four-person groups on the bases of sex and minority status. A total of 41 multicultural groups were formed. Aftenvard, participants individually completed questionnaires on the experience and their personal characteristics. Low comnmnunication competetce, low inasculinity, and highfemininity were associated both with minority status and with low contribution to decision making. As a block the personal variables explained more variance in contribution to decision making than did minority status alone. In addition, high contributing minorities appeared to be motivated by needs unlike those of high contributing nonminorities. The implications of these findings for facilitators of multicultural groups are discussed.

In this article an approximation is realized to the minorities from classifications that highlight the special difficulty that certain minority groups have for his political and social integration and, opposite to which, the paper of the constitutional judge is determinant. In concrete, we will study the discreet or insular minorities, the anonymous or diffuse minorities or, since also they name in our juridical system for the constitutional jurisprudence, the secretor invisible minorities. ; En este artículo se realiza una aproximación a las minorías a partir de clasi-ficaciones que resaltan la especial dificultad que tienen ciertos grupos mino-ritarios para su integración política y social y frente a los cuales el papel del juez constitucional es determinante. En concreto, estudiaremos las minorías discretas e insulares, las minorías anónimas y difusas o, como también se denominan en nuestro sistema jurídico por la jurisprudencia constitucional, las minorías marginadas, ocultas o invisibles.

In this article an approximation is realized to the minorities from classifications that highlight the special difficulty that certain minority groups have for his political and social integration and, opposite to which, the paper of the constitutional judge is determinant. In concrete, we will study the discreet or insular minorities, the anonymous or diffuse minorities or, since also they name in our juridical system for the constitutional jurisprudence, the secretor invisible minorities. ; En este artículo se realiza una aproximación a las minorías a partir de clasi-ficaciones que resaltan la especial dificultad que tienen ciertos grupos mino-ritarios para su integración política y social y frente a los cuales el papel del juez constitucional es determinante. En concreto, estudiaremos las minorías discretas e insulares, las minorías anónimas y difusas o, como también se denominan en nuestro sistema jurídico por la jurisprudencia constitucional, las minorías marginadas, ocultas o invisibles.

"In diesem Arbeitspapier geht es um die räumliche Verteilung sozial benachteiligter Gruppen. Dabei werden unter anderem Wechselwirkungen zwischen Sozial- und Wohnungspolitik aufgezeigt und sowohl Quer- wie Längsschnittanalysen angewendet. Die Frage nach dem Ausmaß räumlicher Segregation in Bremen wird in zwei Schritten bearbeitet: Zunächst wird die Lage benachteiligter Gruppen auf dem Wohnungsmarkt in Bremen - etwa Anteil an den Sozialwohnungen, verfügbare Wohnfläche, räumliche Verteilung im Stadtgebiet - auf der Grundlage aggregierter Querschnittsdaten untersucht. Dann wird die Verdrängungsthese anhand individueller Längsschnittdaten überprüft."