Equilibria in multi-party systems
In: Public choice, Band 73, Heft 2, S. 147-165
ISSN: 1573-7101
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In: Public choice, Band 73, Heft 2, S. 147-165
ISSN: 1573-7101
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 485-503
ISSN: 1467-9248
An examination of the multi-party system in Israel and to a large extent also in France during the last two decades reveals the emergence of three distinct types of party clusters. These approximate to a limited extent to Kirchheimer's catch-all thesis, but reveal motives and conditions other than those he postulated. The party clusters are distinguished as Conglomerate Blocs, Proportionally Amalgamated Parties and Unitary Amalgamated Parties. An analysis of the party systems in at least these two countries show the conditions likely to foster the formation of such party configurations, their modes of operation, and the internal stresses they generate.
Ziel des Projektes, das im Rahmen des DFG-Projektes ´Lokale Parteiensysteme in Deutschland´ durchgeführt wurde, ist es, die bestehenden lokalen Parteiensysteme und ihre Entwicklungsmuster seit der Wiedervereinigung auf kommunaler Ebene zu identifizieren und zu vergleichen. Die lokalen Parteiensysteme wurden im Zeitverlauf anhand von vier Faktoren identifiziert: 1. lokale politische Kultur, 2. Veränderungen des Kommunalwahlrechts, 3. Organisationsgrad der lokalpolitischen Akteure sowie 4. strukturelle Kontextmerkmale (Gemeindegröße, lokale Wirtschaftskraft u.ä.). Dazu wurden die Ergebnisse der Kommunalwahlen der Jahre 1990 bis 2016 um lokale Indikatoren der Kommunalstatistik ergänzt. Es finden sich insgesamt 35 Indikatoren aus den Bereichen Bevölkerung, Arbeitsmarkt, Flächennutzung und Finanzen.
Themen: 1. Allgemeine Informationen: Gemeindeschlüssel, Ort (Gemeinde, Stadt, Kreis, Verbands-/Samtgemeinde); Klassifizierung des Ortes; Bundeslandkennung; Bundesland; Landkreis, zu dem die Gemeinde gehört; amtlicher Kreisschlüssel.
2. Kommunalwahldaten: Jahr, in dem die Wahl stattfand; Anzahl der Wahlberechtigten; Name des Kandidaten bzw. der Liste; Art des Kandidaten/der Liste (z.B. Bundestagspartei); Anwendung des Mehrheitswahlrechts in der Gemeinde; Anzahl der Wähler, die an den Wahlen teilgenommen haben; Wahlbeteiligung; gültige Stimmen gesamt; Anzahl der Stimmen für den Kandidaten/die Liste gesamt und in Prozent; gewonnene Sitze; Sitze in der Gemeindevertretung insgesamt.
3. Bevölkerungsindikatoren: Einwohnerzahlen des Ortes der Jahre 2002 und 2011; Einwohnerdichte (Einwohner pro Quadratkilometer 2011); Anzahl der Geburten und der Sterbefälle 2015; Anzahl der zugezogenen und der weggezogenen Personen über Gemeindegrenzen 2015; Saldo der zu- und weggezogenen Personen über Gemeindegrenzen 2015.
4. Arbeitsmarktindikatoren: Anzahl der Arbeitslosen 2016; Anzahl der sozialversicherungspflichtig Beschäftigten 2014 nach Arbeitsort und nach Wohnort.
5. Flächenindikatoren: Fläche 2015 insgesamt in Quadratkilometern; Größe ausgewählter Flächen jeweils 2015 in ha: Baufläche (Siedlungs- und Verkehrsfläche), Wohnfläche, Gewerbefläche, Erholungsfläche, Verkehrsfläche, Landwirtschaftsfläche und Waldfläche).
6. Haushaltsindikatoren: Steuern und steuerähnliche Einnahmen 2014; Grundsteuer A (Istaufkommen Grundsteuer A 2015 auf landwirtschaftliche Flächen in Tausend Euro); Grundsteuer B (Istaufkommen Grundsteuer B 2015 auf bauliche oder bebaute Flächen in Tausend Euro); Grundsteuer Gesamt (Istaufkommen 2015 von Grundsteuer A und B in Tausend Euro); Bruttogewerbesteuereinnahmen (Gewerbesteuereinnahmen 2015 ohne Abzug der Gewerbesteuerumlage in Tausend Euro); Gewerbesteuerumlage (Anteil der Gewerbesteuer 2015 an Bund und Länder in Tausend Euro); Nettogewerbesteuereinnahmen (Anteil der Gewerbesteuereinnahmen 2015 für Gemeinde in Tausend Euro); Einkommenssteuer (Gemeindeanteil an der Einkommenssteuer 2015 in Tausend Euro); Umsatzsteuer (Gemeindeanteil an der Umsatzsteuer 2015 in Tausend Euro); Bruttoeinnahmen (Bruttoeinnahmen, die die Gemeinde 2014 erzielt hat; Bruttoausgaben (insgesamt getätigte Ausgaben 2014 im öffentlichen Haushalt); Nettoausgaben (Ausgaben 2014 abzüglich von Ausgaben für andere öffentliche Haushalte); Kredite (Kredite und innere Darlehen 2014); Schulden (Schulden der Gemeinden/Gemeindeverbände 2009 in Tausend Euro nach Kreisen/Städte; Zuweisungen (allgemeine Zuweisungen um Umlagen 2014 von Bund, Ländern, Gemeinden); Investitionsförderung (Zuweisungen und Zuschüsse für Investitionsförderung 2014).
GESIS
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 147-166
ISSN: 1460-3683
Despite the scepticism that increasingly surrounds their role and standing in contemporary democracies, scholarly interest in political parties continues unabated. But this interest is also proving uneven, with relatively little attention now being given to the study of party systems. More specifically, the level of theoretical interest in party systems remains limited, with almost no substantial innovations being made since the publication of Sartori's classic work of 1976. In this article, we seek to redress some of this neglect by identifying the relevant parameters that can be used in the definition of party systems and, possibly, in the explanation of party system change. We then go on to look at the minimum defining characteristics of a system of parties (as opposed to a set of parties) before finally arguing that party systems are best understood as multidimensional phenomena in which we identify and discuss the implications of three types of division — vertical, horizontal and functional.
In: Politologický časopis, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 383-397
ISSN: 1211-3247
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 37-51
ISSN: 0031-2290
Changes in West European party systems can be related to a four-fold typology: imbalance, balance, diffusion, & fragmentation. The extremes of imbalanced & fragmented party systems are no longer represented: West European countries all now tend towards balanced or diffused forms. The balanced type is well represented, & it accords with the pattern of majority government & cohesive opposition. However, several systems show growth in diffusion: seen in the lack of clear polarization & by the rise in the number of parties represented in assemblies. A diffused system imposes quite different conditions for the successful operation of parliamentary government. Thus the occurrence of minority government, as a relatively stable form of rule, implies a high degree of consensus in the political system & requires an amount of overt or disguised interparty cooperation. AA.
Do party systems help or hinder democracy in Africa? Drawing lessons from different types of party systems in six African countries, this volume shows that party systems affect democracy in Africa in ways that are unexpectedly different from the relation between party systems and democracy observed elsewhere
In: Perspectives on politics, S. 1-18
ISSN: 1541-0986
Political parties have long been theorized as a key political institution that links society with the formal political system, and thus have often featured prominently in theories of political economy and redistribution. Curiously, however, until recently party systems have received substantially less attention in theories seeking to explain redistribution among both democratic and non-democratic regimes. I build on this nascent literature by conceptualizing the relationship between party systems, inequality, and redistribution, advancing the argument that at least a portion of inequality and income redistribution in any given country is attributable to dynamics within its party system—particularly their structure and institutionalization. Hegemonic party systems can initiate large waves of social reform and redistribution in their formative years but their redistributive prospects significantly wane the longer a hegemonic party remains in power, while two-party systems are unlikely to provide much, if any, alleviation of inequality. Multi-party systems provide the greatest potential to redistribute, but the relationship is conditional on their relative institutionalization. Stable multi-party systems with institutionalized parties are more likely to exhibit both lower levels of inequality and redistribute more income, whereas inchoate counterparts are unlikely to be more redistributive than either hegemonic or two-party systems.
In: Social science quarterly, Band 95, Heft 2, S. 425-447
ISSN: 1540-6237
ObjectiveThis article examines the effects of civil wars on the characteristics of postconflict party systems, in terms of fractionalization, whether a dominant party emerges, and party systems stability.MethodsData were collected for 92 developing countries, 44 of which experienced a civil war from 1975 to 2009. Regression and logistic regression analyses are conducted to examine the impact of civil wars, while controlling for a number of other variables.ResultsThis article finds no relationship between civil war and fractionalization, but does find that intense, bloodier civil wars tend to produce party systems that are dominant‐party systems with less electoral volatility than transitional states that did not experience a civil war.ConclusionThese results suggest support for the argument that particularly bloody civil wars are likely to have an especially powerful freezing effect on party systems (and may not lead to fully competitive party politics).
"Do party systems help or hinder democracy in Africa? This collection offers important new insights into the relation between party systems and democracy on the African continent. It presents a comparative analysis of how African party systems influence procedural aspects of democracy such as accountability and government responsiveness and also shows how party systems affect citizens' satisfaction. It paints a vivid picture of the one-party dominant systems in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa and how these impede the deepening of democracy. Drawing lessons from Benin, Ghana and Zambia, it also portrays the fluidity of African party systems and draw attention to the importance of party system change. The insightful contributions show that African party systems affect democracy in ways that are different from the relation between party systems and democracy observed elsewhere"--
In: Electoral Studies, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 315-323
Recently Mozaffar etal. [Mozaffar, S., Scarritt, J.R., Galaich, G., 2003. Electoral institutions, ethnopolitical cleavages and party systems in Africa's emerging democracies. American Political Science Review 97, 379-390] presented evidence suggesting that African party systems are somehow different from party systems elsewhere in the world. In doing so, they promoted the common notion of African exceptionalism. We believe that their conclusions are open to question because they draw inferences from a number of multiplicative interaction models in which they do not include all constitutive terms, interpret constitutive terms as unconditional marginal effects, and fail to calculate marginal effects and standard errors over a sufficiently large range of their modifying variables. By correcting these practices, we reach substantively different conclusions. Specifically, we find that African party systems respond to institutional and sociological factors such as district magnitude and ethnic fragmentation in the same way as party systems in more established democracies. [Copyright 2006 Elsevier Ltd.]
In: Regional & federal studies, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 123-139
ISSN: 1743-9434
In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 448-449
ISSN: 1036-1146
'Changing Party Systems in Western Europe' edited by David Broughton and Mark Donovan is reviewed.
In: World politics: a quarterly journal of international relations, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 469-485
ISSN: 1086-3338
The field of the comparative study of political party systems has been particularly fortunate to have been the focus of quite a number of substantial scholarly team efforts in recent years. Individual case studies are still appearing that follow Robert A. Dahl's model of the "patterns of opposition." Terms such as "crisis of participation" or Sartori's "extreme pluralism," from the book edited by Joseph La Palombara and Myron Weiner,2 are widely used in the description of party systems. Even the study of one-party systems and of national integration in developing areas is beginning to settle down to a common terminology that will increasingly allow comparison with the better-explored systems.