Suchergebnisse

The recently enacted Tax Reform Act of 1986 contains a number of pension policy provisions including faster vesting for private‐sector, single‐employer pension plans and imposing tax penalties on preretirement pension plan distributions that are not saved until retirement age. Since pensions are a long‐term commitment, the impact of pension policy changes may not be fully realized for a number of years. For that reason, the effects of the Tax Reform Act's pension provisions are investigated using both short‐run and long‐run simulation models. Faster vesting would immediately entitle an additional 1.9 million pension plan participants to pension benefits at retirement. This increase would not, however, be translated directly into significant gains in pension recipiency for workers currently in their 50s. Nevertheless, by the time the baby boom generation retires, faster vesting and lump‐sum penalties could provide more retirees with pensions and increase the standard of living of pension recipients.

Introduction: learning about China through its pension reforms -- Explaining pension reform in China: the relevance of welfare state development theories -- Political institutions, economic conditions, and pension policy in China: a theoretical argument -- Research methodology: how do we study China (and its pension system) -- The economic story: how does the Chinese pension system help economic growth through skill formation and labour retention -- The political story: how do Chinese political institutions shape the pension system? -- Conclusion: economic rebalancing and the future of China's pension system

The actual effects of the European Union (EU) on member states' pension policy are more extensive and complex than the contractual basis suggests. In addition to the Open Method of Coordination, a genuine instrument of social policy, 'cross-effects' of the freedom of the internal market mediated by the ECJ, as well as fiscal policy 'interventions' in member states experiencing financial difficulties have risen in importance. The sovereign debt crisis has functioned as a 'game changer' that re-adjusted the balance between European influence and national autonomy, but so far only for the countries hit most by the crisis. As European influence in this supposed 'new phase' differs markedly depending on the respective budgetary situation as well as the 'well-preparedness' of national pension systems due to previous reforms and as informal rather than formal ways of exerting pressure were chosen, the consequences for other member states and the European pension policy 'architecture' as a whole are yet unclear.

Institutional pension policy is held to be one of the trade marks of the celebrated Scandinavian model. Universal national pensions guarantee a decent livelihood to every citizen irrespective of socio-economic status. Income-related pensions that are paid on top of the national pensions secure the standard of living achieved during the working career. This Scandinavian institutionalism has usually been associated with long-lasting working class hegemony, consolidated by the deliberate goal of abolishing means-testing from national pensions and expanding the scope and quality of income-related pensions. However, some studies challenge this interpretation. Instead, they emphasize the crucial role played by the middle classes. By using survey data from Finland, this study seeks to determine which socio-economic groups are in favour of the present Finnish pension policy model characterized by universal basic pensions and income-graduated work-merit pensions. The results show that workers and farmers are more willing to introduce means-testing and flat-rate pensions than white-collar workers. Correspondingly, these groups are more sceptical of income-graduated benefits. Middle classes, especially upper white-collar workers, support income graduated benefits and are more reluctant than workers and farmers to introduce means-tested or flat-rate pensions. Thus, the results indicate that the support for the present institutional pension policy model in Finland ist strongest among the middle strata. But the results also indicate that this support is greatly dependent on benefit form, and when debating on the class basis of the Scandinavian universalism, we must be more explicit in specifying which aspects of universalism are at stake. (European Journal of Political Research / AuD)

The internal dynamics and politics of international organizations influence how international policy agendas are set and how effectively they are pursued. International organizations are open systems which respond and adapt to the external policy environment in order to remain relevant to global policymaking. Through an analysis of the internal politics of the World Bank and International Labour Organization, the leading global agenda-setters for pension reform, this article shows that internal political battles and restructuring have a decisive influence on global pensions policy. Appointment of key personnel and internal reorganization can help make certain policy ideas prominent over others. Scholars should pay greater attention to processes of change within international organizations in order to better understand the international agenda setting process.

Abstract. Institutional pension policy is held to be one of the trade marks of the celebrated Scandinavian model. Universal national pensions guarantee a decent livelihood to every citizen irrespective of socio‐economic status. Income‐related pensions that are paid on top of the national pensions secure the standard of living achieved during the working career. This Scandinavian institutionalism has usually been associated with long‐lasting working class hegemony, consolidated by the deliberate goal of abolishing means‐testing from national pensions and expanding the scope and quality of income‐related pensions. However, some studies challenge this interpretation. Instead, they emphasize the crucial role played by the middle classes. By using survey data from Finland, this study seeks to determine which socio‐economic groups are in favour of the present Finnish pension policy model characterized by universal basic pensions and income‐graduated work‐merit pensions. The results show that workers and farmers are more willing to introduce means‐testing and flat‐rate pensions than white‐collar workers. Correspondingly, these groups are more sceptical of income‐graduated benefits. Middle classes, especially upper white‐collar workers, support income graduated benefits and are more reluctant than workers and farmers to introduce means‐tested or flat‐rate pensions. Thus, the results indicate that the support for the present institutional pension policy model in Finland is strongest among the middle strata. But the results also indicate that this support is greatly dependent on benefit form, and when debating on the class basis of the Scandinavian universalism, we must be more explicit in specifying which aspects of universalism are at stake.