Suchergebnisse

Based on data from 18 Central & East European countries collected between 1991 & 1996, this article tests informational assumptions underlying strategic interaction & collective action models of government repression & dissent. Specifically, we investigate whether citizens' perceptions of human rights conditions in a country are systematically related to that country's actual conditions of government repression. The analysis suggests that there is a significant relationship between evaluations of human rights conditions & levels of government repression. Moreover, it shows that other political & economic conditions affect human rights evaluations, but that these relations do not lead to a weakening in the relationship between repressive conditions & public perceptions of human rights. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 46 References. Adapted from the source document.

Dominant approaches to political repression, which rely on linear analytic models and focus on discrete state agencies or repressive forms, obscure the complex organization and impacts of enforcement networks. Building on recent investigations of collective action fields and arenas of political contention, we develop a relational approach to political repression emphasizing joint actions to suppress challenges to the political status quo. We use fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to examine enforcement networks that mobilized against challenges to segregation in early-1960s Mississippi, identifying four distinct enforcement configurations which maintained segregation across the state's eighty-two counties. We then analyze the processes that undergird these configurations of enforcement using archival data associated with representative counties. Our approach demonstrates the emergent logic of enforcement— i.e., how particular enforcement activities developed jointly, rather than only in parallel, with those initiated by other authorities.

: The rehabilitation of victims of political repression is certainly a complex problem in any state. The relevance of this topic in Kazakhstan is due to the task of further studying the essence of totalitarianism and repressions and preventing the social consequences of the destructive legacy of terrorism. In this context, the presented article is aimed at overcoming the stereotypes left over from the command-administrative system, the formation of respect for the individual, and the value of his honor, rights, and dignity. The leading approach to the study of this problem is a systematic approach, which provides for a comprehensive consideration of the mechanism of rehabilitation of political repression victims in Kazakhstan. The article considers the process of rehabilitation of victims of political repression in Kazakhstan as a consequence of the directives of the imperial Soviet Center (Moscow), as well as an attempt to analyze the consequences of the repressive campaigns of the Soviet regime. The authors offer conclusions that the rehabilitation process of victims of political repression in Kazakhstan appears incomplete since it lacks the access to secret procedural documents of law enforcement and other state bodies. Also, the mechanism of the state-backed terrorism has not been fully studied and fully understood; there is no accurate data on millions of repressed, both on cleared of all charges and on those who were never rehabilitated. The materials of the article are of practical value for studying the history of political repressions and rehabilitation in Kazakhstan; these materials may also be used in the writing of fundamental and specialized works on the history of political repressions, as well as in further decision-making process at the state level.

I test several hypotheses concerning the origins of political repression in the states of the United States. The hypotheses are drawn from the elitist theory of democracy, which asserts that repression of unpopular political minorities stems from the intolerance of the mass public, the generally more tolerant elites not supporting such repression. Focusing on the repressive legislation adopted by the states during the McCarthy era, I examine the relationships between elite and mass opinion and repressive public policy. Generally it seems that elites, not masses, were responsible for the repression of the era. These findings suggest that the elitist theory of democracy is in need of substantial theoretical reconsideration, as well as further empirical investigation.

Beitrag zur Erklärung der theoretischen Zusammenhänge zwischen politischer Repression und freier Marktwirtschaft. Untersuchung der Zunahme von Gewaltanwendung durch die Staatsführung während des Übergangs von strukturalistischen zu orthodoxen Wirtschaftsstrategien im Zuge der Festigung der Allianz zwischen herrschenden Eliten und internationalem Finanzkapital. Statistische Überprüfung der Korrelationen mithilfe einer Regressionsanalyse argentinischer Daten für den Zeitraum der letzten 23 Jahre

This article reviews research on political repression by social movement scholars. Four topics are discussed: (a) debates over the conceptualization of repression, the breadth of the concept, whether distinctions within the concept are productive and/or forms of repression are directly comparable, and the relationship between repression and political opportunities; (b) recent research on different types of repression, particularly protest policing; (c) an evaluation of research on different explanations of repression; and (d) an evaluation of research on the consequences of repression. Attention is also paid to areas where future research effort might be most productively spent, including identifying substantial gaps where more research is needed, where important debates exist that need research to push toward their resolution, where robust results exist but could be furthered by refinements, and where a more inclusive conceptualization of repression may link the study of repression to other significant literatures.

Recent studies linking political repression to free-market economic policy have failed to explain fully the relationship. To uncover important theoretical linkages, this article will examine the principles behind policy and argue that increases in governments' use of force are principally a function of: (1) shifts in economic stabilization doctrines from structuralist to orthodox, which are prompted by severe economic crises, and (2) strengthened alliances between ruling elites and international financial institutions partial to orthodox deflationary strategies. Multiple regression analysis on time-series data from Argentina over a 23-year period provides a strong statistical confirmation for these suppositions, even when holding constant for particular regime types. A historical narrative has been provided to buttress these results by establishing the precise timing and sequence of events that precipitated the use of coercion by state leaders.