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Many scholars now argue for deemphasizing the importance of international anarchy in favor of focusing on hierarchy – patterns of super- and subordination – in world politics. We argue that only one kind of vertical stratification, governance hierarchy, actually challenges the states-under-anarchy framework. But the existence of such hierarchies overturns a number of standard ways of studying world politics. In order to theorize, and identify, variation in governance structures in world politics, we advocate a relational approach that focuses on three dimensions of hierarchy: the heterogeneity of contracting, the degree of autonomy enjoyed by central authorities, and the balance of investiture between segments and the center. This generates eight ideal-typical forms: national-states and empires, as well as symmetric and asymmetric variants of federations, confederations, and conciliar systems. We argue that political formations – governance assemblages – with elements of these ideal types are likely ubiquitous at multiple scales of world politics, including within, across, and among sovereign states. Our framework suggests that world politics is marked by a heterarchy of nested and overlapping political structures. We discuss broad implications for international-relations theory and comparative politics, and illustrate our approach through an analysis of contemporary China and the evolution of the British 'Empire' in the 19th and 20th centuries.

SummaryHow and with what effect policy entrepreneurship occurs is a persistent and intriguing question for scholars of public policy and administration and political science. So far, the main interest has been on policy entrepreneurship in developed countries rather than developing countries, which largely remains a black box. Adopting a systematic approach to reviewing the literature, this article aims to fill this void. It investigates when, why, and how policy and institutional reforms in developing countries take place, with special reference to the role of policy entrepreneurs. It reviews selected articles published in the Thomson Reuters Web of Knowledge Social Science Citation Index database from 1984 to 2018. It aims to show the current state of empirical and theoretical knowledge about policy entrepreneurship in developing countries and persistent knowledge gaps. The present review contributes to the body of knowledge on this topic in three main ways. First, we provide a comprehensive review of policy entrepreneurship in developing countries. Second, we consolidate existing research in the political science, public policy and administration, and politicial economy disciplines. Third, we establish connections between fragmented literatures, identify gaps between different research streams, and suggest promising paths for future research on policy entrepreneurship in developing countries.

Democracy, states Claude Lefort, is distinguished by a fundamental representation problem: unlike in the case of a monarchy, there is no longer any sovereign body through which the state is able to uniformly manifest itself. In Hollywood cinema, the "empty space" at the core of democracy thus disclosed is filled with mythical 'primal scene' that conceive of political representation – in the precise sense described by Thomas Hobbes – as a spontaneous theatrical performance: the persuasive power of a political speech fashions an individual, for as long as that person is performing, into the representative of all those present, with the latter becoming the audience and hence a representation of the people. This myth of a social order occurring at the moment of spontaneous performativity is also the identifying feature of filmic depictions of parliament, election rallies, and other political arenas, which Hollywood movies portray as places in which the shaping of democratic principles is a process being permanently re-enacted. Yet the films are characterized not by this legitimization of the democratic system alone, each of them also consistently pursuing an investigative act of enlightenment, revealing to us what is going on behind the scenes of the performance. By means of a comparative analysis of individual scenes from works by Frank Capra, Otto Preminger, John Frankenheimer, and George Clooney, the essay examines how the stage-like nature of political action takes on additional complexity through these explorations of the backstage. Similarly, the influence of filmic media on politics, as evidenced by the production of ever-new front- and side-stages (Meyrowitz), is an aspect being considered by these works in increasingly autoreflexive manner. Far from creating monodimensional ideologies, Hollywood thus seeks, through a highly differentiated approach, to get to grips with the mechanisms and aporias of modern-day politics, one which, in the actual essay itself, assumes the form of a filmic outline of the intellectual history of democratic representation.

International audience ; In Northern Kenya, the history of protected areas reflects the debates that have shaped the world of conservation and environmental concerns. For a long time colonial assumptions about pastoralist uses of natural resources have been part of environmental policies and legitimized appropriation of nature. How does the implementation of natural resources management projects interact with pastoralists' natural heritage and their future economies in the context of socio-ecological transition? This paper questions the relations between conservation practices and the regional environmental dynamics of five protected areas in the broader Chalbi desert. It describes models ranging from conservationist models used for large areas to more recent experiments and socio-technical choices implemented on smaller scale-fenced parcels. Through two central water places located in North Horr and Kalacha, we also describe the impacts of natural protected areas on pastoralist livelihood in the Chalbi desert. This situation, therefore, prompts for suggestions to discuss the split between environmental conservation and development and to better integrate research on socio-ecological dynamics in environmental policies.

International audience ; How is it possible to give a name to a political subject and reinvent the commons, in the face of the temptation to adopt identity politics and of the logic of unsubjectivation? Reading the biblical encounter between Jesus and the Canaanite woman (Mt 15,21-28), the author wonders whether an offensive name may constitute a starting point for poetical invention, likely to change a politicial situation. In his reading of the text, the author builds upon Jacques Rancière's distinction between politics and the police, Jacques Lacan's psychoanalytical theorisation of the signifier and John Caputo's theopoetics of the event. ; Comment nommer un sujet politique et réinventer le commun face aux tentations identitaires et aux logiques de désubjectivation ? Lisant l'épisode biblique de la rencontre entre Jésus et la Cananéenne dans le premier Évangile (Mt 15,21-28), Guilhen Antier se demande si un nom injurieux peut constituer le point de départ d'une invention poétique susceptible de changer une situation politique. La lecture mobilise successivement la distinction établie par Jacques Rancière entre politique et police, la théorisation psychanalytique du signifiant selon Jacques Lacan et la théopoétique de l'événement de John Caputo.

International audience ; How is it possible to give a name to a political subject and reinvent the commons, in the face of the temptation to adopt identity politics and of the logic of unsubjectivation? Reading the biblical encounter between Jesus and the Canaanite woman (Mt 15,21-28), the author wonders whether an offensive name may constitute a starting point for poetical invention, likely to change a politicial situation. In his reading of the text, the author builds upon Jacques Rancière's distinction between politics and the police, Jacques Lacan's psychoanalytical theorisation of the signifier and John Caputo's theopoetics of the event. ; Comment nommer un sujet politique et réinventer le commun face aux tentations identitaires et aux logiques de désubjectivation ? Lisant l'épisode biblique de la rencontre entre Jésus et la Cananéenne dans le premier Évangile (Mt 15,21-28), Guilhen Antier se demande si un nom injurieux peut constituer le point de départ d'une invention poétique susceptible de changer une situation politique. La lecture mobilise successivement la distinction établie par Jacques Rancière entre politique et police, la théorisation psychanalytique du signifiant selon Jacques Lacan et la théopoétique de l'événement de John Caputo.

International audience ; This Texte truy to make the cultural History of a group of 80 SS-Officers. They are born between 1900 and 1910 and are "Childrens of the Great War" : they were the aim of a specific pedagody which tried to legitimate the conflict and his increasingly growing violence. The precoce engagement of these men can also been approached as a Culture of purchase of the Fight begun in 1914. The Engagement in the SS, End of them politicial Road, is the Witness of the Capacity of Nazism's Attraction and of his disanguishant (Denis Crouzet) Dimension. In the SS, these Men developped dogmatic Formulationwork, intelligence Actvity, and Policies of Repression. In 1941, they are sent in the East as Chiefs of the Einsatzgruppen, where they reshape the Rhetorics of Violence's Legitimation of the Great War, transform them in a Culture of extirpation which allowed them to legitimate the politics of genocide in which they are largely involved.— ; Ce texte esquisse l'histoire culturelle d'un groupe de 80 officiers SS. Nés entre 1900 et 1910, ces hommes sont des enfants de la Grande Guerre et sont à ce titre la cible d'une pédagogie de légitimation du conflit spécifique. L'engagement précoce de ces hommes peut ainsi être appréhendés à l'aune d'un imaginaire de poursuite de la lutte commencée en 1914. L'engagement au sein de la SS, terme de leur parcours militant, témoigne de la capacité d'attraction du système de croyances nazi et de sa dimension désangoissante. Intégrés à la SS, ces hommes y, combinent un travail de formulation dogmatique à des activités de renseignement et de répression policière. En 1941, ils sont envoyés à l'Est pour diriger les Einsatzgruppen, et, réinvestissant les rhétoriques de guerre intériorisées auparavant, ils les transforment peu à peu en un imaginaire extirpateur qui leur permet de légitimer les politiques génocides dont ils assument une part non négligeable.

First, we present what is called the Theory of Psychological Preferences (altruism, rational reciprocity.) through, on one side, the list of axioms proposed by Sandbu (2008) for pure individual decisions and, on the other side, that of Segal and Sobel (2007) for strategical ones. Second, we characterize the potential relevance of such a theory to define a new "politicial economy" approach and we search to define the precise scope of this field of investigation in combining the micro'demands of the psychological preference theory with the standard macro'ones. Finally, we show that polycentered models seem to be the only framework within which individual psychological preference is an appropriate tool to study the collective impact of altruism, social loyalty, intrinsic reciprocity and so forth . ; Nous présentons ici, dans un premier temps, la théorie des préferences psychologiques à travers, d'une part, l'axiomatique proposée par Sandbu (2008) pour les décisions individuelles pures et, d'autre part, celle de Segal et Sobel (2007) pour les décisions stratégiques. Dans une seconde partie, nous caractérisons l'apport potentiel de cette littérature à la définition d'une nouvelle "économie politique" et nous cherchons à délimiter le champ pertinent d'investigation d'une telle approche qui combinerait à la fois les exigences "micro" que véhiculent les préférences psychologiques avec l'objet plus "macro" de l'économie politique (comprise comme la branche de la science économique qui étudie les conséquences de l'intervention d'un décideur public et les conditions optimales de l'action collective). Enfin, nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l'étude de l'action collective au niveau particulier des "communautés" ou des systèmes dits "polycentriques" peut a priori profiter des résultats abondants produits par la Théorie des Préferences Psychologiques - tout autre niveau d'investigation semblant a contrario inadapté en l'état actuel des développements de cette théorie.

First, we present what is called the Theory of Psychological Preferences (altruism, rational reciprocity.) through, on one side, the list of axioms proposed by Sandbu (2008) for pure individual decisions and, on the other side, that of Segal and Sobel (2007) for strategical ones. Second, we characterize the potential relevance of such a theory to define a new "politicial economy" approach and we search to define the precise scope of this field of investigation in combining the micro'demands of the psychological preference theory with the standard macro'ones. Finally, we show that polycentered models seem to be the only framework within which individual psychological preference is an appropriate tool to study the collective impact of altruism, social loyalty, intrinsic reciprocity and so forth . ; Nous présentons ici, dans un premier temps, la théorie des préferences psychologiques à travers, d'une part, l'axiomatique proposée par Sandbu (2008) pour les décisions individuelles pures et, d'autre part, celle de Segal et Sobel (2007) pour les décisions stratégiques. Dans une seconde partie, nous caractérisons l'apport potentiel de cette littérature à la définition d'une nouvelle "économie politique" et nous cherchons à délimiter le champ pertinent d'investigation d'une telle approche qui combinerait à la fois les exigences "micro" que véhiculent les préférences psychologiques avec l'objet plus "macro" de l'économie politique (comprise comme la branche de la science économique qui étudie les conséquences de l'intervention d'un décideur public et les conditions optimales de l'action collective). Enfin, nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l'étude de l'action collective au niveau particulier des "communautés" ou des systèmes dits "polycentriques" peut a priori profiter des résultats abondants produits par la Théorie des Préferences Psychologiques - tout autre niveau d'investigation semblant a contrario inadapté en l'état actuel des développements de cette théorie.

First, we present what is called the Theory of Psychological Preferences (altruism, rational reciprocity.) through, on one side, the list of axioms proposed by Sandbu (2008) for pure individual decisions and, on the other side, that of Segal and Sobel (2007) for strategical ones. Second, we characterize the potential relevance of such a theory to define a new "politicial economy" approach and we search to define the precise scope of this field of investigation in combining the micro'demands of the psychological preference theory with the standard macro'ones. Finally, we show that polycentered models seem to be the only framework within which individual psychological preference is an appropriate tool to study the collective impact of altruism, social loyalty, intrinsic reciprocity and so forth . ; Nous présentons ici, dans un premier temps, la théorie des préferences psychologiques à travers, d'une part, l'axiomatique proposée par Sandbu (2008) pour les décisions individuelles pures et, d'autre part, celle de Segal et Sobel (2007) pour les décisions stratégiques. Dans une seconde partie, nous caractérisons l'apport potentiel de cette littérature à la définition d'une nouvelle "économie politique" et nous cherchons à délimiter le champ pertinent d'investigation d'une telle approche qui combinerait à la fois les exigences "micro" que véhiculent les préférences psychologiques avec l'objet plus "macro" de l'économie politique (comprise comme la branche de la science économique qui étudie les conséquences de l'intervention d'un décideur public et les conditions optimales de l'action collective). Enfin, nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l'étude de l'action collective au niveau particulier des "communautés" ou des systèmes dits "polycentriques" peut a priori profiter des résultats abondants produits par la Théorie des Préferences Psychologiques - tout autre niveau d'investigation semblant a contrario inadapté en l'état actuel des développements de cette théorie.