The Japan Fund for Poverty Reduction (JFPR) was established in May 2000 and provides direct grant assistance to the poorest and most vulnerable groups in developing member countries (DMCs) of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) while fostering long-term social and economic development. The grants target poverty reduction initiatives with the direct participation of nongovernment organizations, community groups, and civil society. In 2009, the Government of Japan and ADB expanded the scope of JFPR to include provision of support to DMCs through capacity development, policy and advisory, research and development, and project preparatory technical assistance.
The Japan Fund for Poverty Reduction (JFPR) was established in May 2000 and provides direct grant assistance to the poorest and most vulnerable groups in developing member countries (DMCs) of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) while fostering long-term social and economic development. The grants target poverty reduction initiatives with the direct participation of nongovernment organizations, community groups, and civil society. In 2009, the Government of Japan and ADB expanded the scope of JFPR to include provision of support to DMCs through capacity development, policy and advisory, research and development, and project preparatory technical assistance.
In den sambischen PRSP-Prozess wurden, wie von IWF, Weltbank und internationalen Gebern verlangt, die Institutionen der Zivilgesellschaft einbezogen. In dem vorliegenden Dokument werden die Ansichten und Forderungen der am PRSP-Prozess beteiligten Organisationen zusammengeführt. Die Schrift, deren Themen von der Umwelt über Bergbau, Nahrungsmittel, Tourismus, Bildung bis zu makroökonomischen Fragen reichen, versteht sich ausdrücklich nicht als paralleles PRSP, sondern als Beitrag für die Erstellung des nationalen PRSP, der möglichst viele Überlegungen der zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen spiegeln soll. (DÜI-Sbd)
In November 1999, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) adopted poverty reduction as its principal objective. The Poverty Reduction Strategy that resulted from that decision committed ADB to host an international forum on poverty issues every three years. In February 2001, the Asian Development Bank hosted the first-ever Asia and Pacific Forum on Poverty (the Forum), one of the largest international meetings ever undertaken exclusively by ADB: more than 300 delegates from all over the world met in Manila, Philippines, for a week of presentations and discussions of poverty issues.
In November 1999, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) adopted poverty reduction as its principal objective. The Poverty Reduction Strategy that resulted from that decision committed ADB to host an international forum on poverty issues every three years. In February 2001, the Asian Development Bank hosted the first-ever Asia and Pacific Forum on Poverty (the Forum), one of the largest international meetings ever undertaken exclusively by ADB: more than 300 delegates from all over the world met in Manila, Philippines, for a week of presentations and discussions of poverty issues.
Poverty reduction strategy papers (PRSPs) present a recipient country's program of intent for the utilization of World Bank loans and grants to alleviate debt under the bank's programs of action for poverty reduction in highly indebted poor countries (HIPCs). This article argues that structural transformation is a prerequisite for poverty reduction in Zambia. However, the Zambian PRSP is largely informed by mainstream thinking on poverty and livelihoods. It champions a neoliberal program constructed on the sanctity of the market and seeks to maintain the very structural processes that engender poverty. Because it fails to break, conceptually and methodologically, from past program failures, the PRSP is likely to be just the latest installment in the ever-changing fashionable semantics of the "development community." The article examines the conceptual and methodological failures of the Zambian PRSP particularly with respect to the measurement of poverty and the concept of participation.
Analyses the political landscape in which poverty reduction takes place. Much of the discussion on poverty is located within a model of harmony, as if everybody were in favour of pro-poor policies. Takes as its starting point the statement from the UN Social Summit that 'At the Summit there was a global commitment to eradicate poverty' and discusses some of its political implications. (Original abstract - amended)
This paper examined the gender question in poverty reduction in Nigeria. Based on desk study, it reviewed selected poverty intervention programs in the country and concluded that poverty reduction programmes and policies have barely touched on women. The paper made a number of recommendations to mainstream women in poverty reduction agenda
9 Debt relief or aid reform?10 The HIPC Initiative and poverty reduction; 11 The existing systems for monitoring poverty; 12 The different approaches to measuring poverty in Europe; 13 Two original poverty monitoring tools; 14 Evaluating poverty reduction policies; References; Index
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Contemplates the kind of institutions needed to address the need for global poverty reduction. Discussion begins with a look at the cultural foundations that provide food security in Western societies characterized by a state-market-civil society balance. It is argued that the inequalities fomented by globalization require institutional adjustments to forestall potential instability that puts global security at risk. In terms of policy, translating the intensive growth required for membership in the world economy into sustainable poverty reduction requires rural development & labor-intensive industries, equitable access to social services, resilient social safety nets, & an environment-friendly regulatory framework. A new developmental consensus has emerged, bearing with it a new concept of capital: neoinstitutionalism, which is understood as a social learning process. A form of organization is proposed to achieve defined public policy goals wherein civil society is viewed as a distinct organizational alternative next to government & the market. This involves a globally connected network of voluntary associations. It is argued that institutional changes must occur at the global level; the development of new concepts, deployment of new instruments, & building of new partnerships at national & global levels are a must for global poverty reduction to succeed. Sustainable results in poverty reduction depend on the overall institutional framework reflecting the needs of the market, the aspirations & knowledge of the people, & the support of the state. J. Zendejas
A careful review of the literature in political science and neighboring social science disciplines shows that prevailing assumptions in the international development policy community about improved governance as a principal mechanism to reduce poverty in Africa rests more on faith than science. Conventional policy models for tackling poverty fail to take into account the peculiar socioeconomic and political conditions in Africa, where the vast majority of those living on one dollar a day or less are only marginally captured by market and state institutions and instead rely on solving their problems "outside the system." Poverty reduction through formal institutions therefore becomes ineffective. Although political science and other neighboring social science disciplines offer insights into these peculiarities, these contributions have been largely ignored to date. One reason is that economists continue to dominate the international development policy agenda. Another is that political scientists have typically looked at how economic variables shape political ones, rather than the other way around, as implied in the current governance agenda. Governance remains an undertheorized area of research held back by two chasms, one between economists and other social scientists and another between the scientific and the policy communities, to the detriment of gaining a better understanding of how it may help reduce poverty in Africa.