Suchergebnisse

Discusses the use of coercion in democracies, focusing on the tension between a majoritarian decision to employ coercion to achieve a particular end, & the decision to contest coercion. Using power synonymously with coercion, it is contended that in a large, interconnected polity, democracy requires coercion, & that majority rule is one standard mechanism for achieving a relatively just form of democratic coercion. Against the deliberative tradition, it is argued that approximation to procedurally fair coercion figures prominently in effecting democratic change. A set of procedures for theoretically ensuring that coercion is deployed fairly are presented along with the caveat that in practice, all forms of democratic coercion are unfair. W. Howard

Cover -- Half-Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- PART 1. Epistemological Foundations -- Introduction to Part 1 -- 1. Political Power, Institutions and Socio-economic Organizations -- 1.1. Explanations of the emergence of political power -- 1.2. The State, the achieved form of political power -- 1.3. The State as outdated form of political power: the new social powers -- 1.3.1. The relationships between economic power and politicalpower -- 1.3.2. Displacement of the capacity for action from the State to multinational corporations? -- 1.3.3. Technological proliferation and organizational mutations: the emergence of new powers? -- 1.3.4. The emergence of a fourth power through the development of new collective, discursive and decisional spaces: the media? -- 2. Subjective and Intersubjective Power -- 2.1. The concept of relational power, a concept of subject or subjects? -- 2.2. Interactions, translations and exchanges: locations, situations and manifestations of relational power -- 2.3. A desirous subject driving a relational power -- 3. Discursive Power: Words, Languages, Controls and Arguments -- 3.1. The active power of language in and of itself -- 3.1.1. The efficacy of words -- 3.1.2. Terminological mastery and the power of knowledge -- 3.2. The power of language in operation -- 3.2.1. Performative speech acts? -- 3.2.2. The construction of discourse within rhetoric -- 3.3. The predominance of social frameworks in the exercise of linguistic power -- 3.3.1. The control of language and the resulting conflict -- 3.3.2. Linguistic competence, an instrument of social reproduction -- 3.4. The symbolic and analogic power of language: acting on the imagination, feelings and desire -- PART 2. Mobilizing the Concept of Power in ICS -- Introduction to Part 2.

Rosja zawsze była państwem, które dążyło, aby być mocarstwem. Nawet jeżeli straciło znaczenie po rozpadzie ZSRR, to chęć powrotu jako twórcy porządku międzynarodowego, wymusza wypracowanie nowej strategii, która przewiduje użycie środków soft power. Stanowi to pewną przeszkodę dla Rosji, która tradycyjnie przygotowana jest do użycia sił zbrojnych czy presji ekonomicznej. Dużo gorzej jest z wykorzystaniem wartości, które w zamierzeniach Moskwy powinny być różne od Zachodu. Wynikało to z tego, że Rosja stara się stworzyć konkurencyjny do zachodu projekt soft power. Rosja stara się dobrze wykorzystać swoją dyplomację, w tym cyfrową, umiejętnie jej używając nawet jako narzędzi propagandy czy walki w cyberprzestrzeni. ; Russia has always been a country seeking the Great Power status. Even though it lost its importance after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the desire to return to the role of the creator of international order force it to introduce new strategy that will implement soft power resources. This represents a certain obstacle for Russia, which traditionally is accustomed to hard power resources like economic pressure or the use of armed forces. Culture is Russia's soft power resource that is significant. Values can be more problematic for Russia, because in Moscow's intentions they should be different from the Western values. Russia is trying to create an alternative soft power project, competitive to that of the West. Russia is trying to make good use of its diplomacy, including digital diplomacy, in order to show the use of its hard power to be seen as soft.

This article explores the concepts of "soft power" and "cultural diplomacy" from both a theoretical perspective as well as thinking about how they manifest in practice. Britain is used as a case study to demonstrate how these terms have shifted in line with the advancement of neoliberal politics. Any belief in intercultural cooperation has been usurped by the notion of global competition, wholeheartedly embraced by market-oriented Western nations. As soft power relies on the resources of the State, its corporations, industries and institutions, wealthy nations will always have the monopoly. This article argues that at a time when power is shifting to the East and the Global South, culture remains one of the last enduring weapons through which traditionally powerful states attempt to resist or slow down the changing world order. Soft power becomes a means by which the existing hegemony is reimagined, repackaged, and reaffirmed.