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BRITAIN HAS BEEN ACTIVELY TRYING TO ALTER THE BUDGETary arrangements of the European Communities in order to reduce the size of its net contributions since the Labour government of Harold Wilson succeeded Edward Heath's Conservative government in February 1974. This effort has been based upon the perception that Britain's net contribution to the budget – the balance of gross contributions and receipts – was excessive compared with that of its partners. Britain has been the largest net contributor, yet has a per capita gross national product which places it with the less prosperous member states.

Based on a section of his forthcoming book entitled, "The limits of integration in the European Communities."

This paper discusses industrial and economic adjustment in France in the 1980s. Itargues that French industry followed a path of adjustment throughout the decade,which was fundamentally different from both the German-Japanese style organisedcapitalism, and the US-UK type of deregulated capitalism. The analysis attributesthis to the structure and integration of the French political, financial andadministrative élite. Combining historical institutional analysis and insights from thenew economics of organisation, the paper also elaborates elements of amethodological alternative to traditional neo-classical and institutionalist arguments. ; Diese Arbeit analysiert den Wirtschaftswandel in Frankreich in den 80er Jahren. Die Autoren argumentieren, daß die Industrie in Frankreich in dieser Dekade einem Anpassungspfad folgte, der sich sowohl von dem organisierten Kapitalismus nach deutsch-japanischem Muster als auch von dem des deregulierten angelsächsischen Kapitalismus grundsätzlich unterscheidet. Die Analyse kommt zu dem Schluß, daß dies auf die Funktion und die Rolle der politischen, ökonomischen und administrativen Eliten in Frankreich zurückzuführen ist. Durch die Verknüpfung von Argumenten des historischen Institutionalismus und der neuen Organisationsökonmie werden in diesem Papier auch Elemente einer methodologischen Alternative zu den traditionellen neoklassischen und institutionalistischen Ansätzen bearbeitet.

Abstract
This article traces the transformation of West Germany's political system during the 1970s and 1980s, when an extra-parliamentary ecological opposition emerged to challenge the governing Social Democratic Party (SPD). Demographic, economic, and structural features in West Germany's political system created the space for this opposition, eventually leading to the formation of the Green Party. This article argues that ideas about energy were crucial to the movement's success, providing a focal point for reform that aimed to spur an energy transition. This movement of experts and activists pulled West Germany's political system in an ecological direction, forcing the SPD to become green itself. The transformation of West Germany's political system, in turn, set the Federal Republic on a different energy trajectory than the United States, Great Britain, and France.

In the years following the Vietnam War in 1975 and the especially during the year leading up to the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1978, more than one million people were forced to flee the war-torn countries of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The Vietnamese people who were displaced from their homes were placed in refugee camps all over south eastern Asia. These Vietnamese refugees were known as the "boat people".This essay will explore the lives of these "boat people" during their times as a displaced person and their journey to Canada. It will also examine the policies and programs that made it possible for the "boat people" to resettle in Canada, along with the public opinion surrounding these refugees. This will be done through the use of a variety of secondary and primary sources such as monographs, journal articles, news articles, government documents, interviews, and other sources. One source in particular is an interview of a Vietnamese family and their journey as Vietnamese refugees to becoming Canadian citizens.

AbstractHere, I examine Donald Trump';s use of what historian Richard Hofstadter has called the paranoid style in American politics, a style that galvanizes audiences by describing how malign forces are working behind the scenes to subvert their will. Although many observers see that style as Trump's own, scholars have not yet tracked its manifestations empirically and systematically. Using DICTION software, I examined a large number of political documents to track Trump's uses of this style. I find that (1) Trump used the paranoid style considerably more often than prior presidential candidates between 1948 and the present; (2) in doing so, he tapped into a discourse already present among citizen‐activists; and (3) encounters with the press were especially likely to draw forth such remarks from the nation's forty‐fifth president. That Trump has depended heavily on the paranoid style and that he has been successful doing so raises painful questions for the American people, especially as nationalist tendencies surface with greater regularity in the United States and in other Western democracies as well.