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French territories in the late eighteenth century, the archipelagos of Mascarene, Seychelles and Chagos experienced a different political destiny. All of these islands except Reunion became English-speaking. Yet today, we make an essential observation, paradoxical in appearance: these islands still have a mostly French-speaking toponymy. This ascertainment is at the origin of this research supported by a thematic and georeferenced database of about 6600 place names. Thanks to this tool, an analyse has been carried according to several criteria such as the languages, the semantic values, the natures and importance of designated elements and the spatial distribution. The question about appropriation and evolution of place names is also examined and analysed. This work constitutes a base, open and evolutive, for further works. ; Territoires français à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les archipels des Mascareignes, Seychelles et Chagos ont connu un destin politique différent. L'ensemble de ce vaste espace insulaire, La Réunion exceptée, est devenu anglophone. On fait pourtant un constat essentiel, paradoxal en apparence : ces îles ont aujourd'hui encore une toponymie majoritairement francophone. Cette constatation est à l'origine de cette recherche, appuyée sur la constitution d'une base de données thématique et géo-référencée d'environ 6600 toponymes. À l'aide de cet outil, ce corpus toponymique est analysé suivant plusieurs critères, tels que les langues, les valeurs sémantiques, les natures et importances des éléments désignés et de la répartition spatiale. La question de l'appropriation et l'évolution des toponymes est également abordée et analysée. Ce travail constitue une base, évolutive et ouverte, pour des travaux complémentaires ultérieurs.

The paper builds on earlier discussion of the multiple functions of medieval judicial assembly sites, providing a comprehensive evaluation of relevant English hundred-names, and making reference to associated microtoponymy. While religious, military, commercial, and recreational activities may all have occurred at assembly-sites, it can be hard to delineate the evidence so clearly along these lines, and attempts to do so may be anachronistic in some instances; nevertheless, the analysis of different group activities has important implications for our understanding of the evolution of the hundredal system and its impact on society at large.

The scientific article is devoted to the consideration of the correlations of urban identity and the image of the city as an important symbolic aspect of such identity and urban toponymy. It is determined that the city dweller, constructing his own urban space, acquiring the status of a place, actualizes the images of "his city" (due to subjective experiences and memories, places that have personal significance for the city dweller) and "our city" (the subject is the urban community, for members which is characterized by self-identification with the values of this urban area). At the same time, in the formation of urban identity, attachment to a place is most significant, which is traditionally understood as a feeling of connection with a specific physical environment based on the meanings that are attached to this physical environment and activities in relation to this space. This attachment to the place allows you to establish a cognitive-emotional connection with the place, which determines both the emergence of a sense of security and belonging to "one's own group". The image of the city includes meanings that are significant for the individual and society, which allow identifying the territory as a place associated with the experience of urban identity.
Urban identity for a person is filled with modal meanings, conditionally divided into positive and negative. Acceptance of urban space and knowledge of the area itself, its names and topoi determines the leading role of urban toponymy, which it plays in the communicative paradigm of the city. The special semiotic status of toponymy is determined by the historical, geographical and cultural content of the symbolic images reproduced by toponyms. The functioning of toponyms is influenced by the urban identity of a person or social group, objectified in the image of the city inherent in them

The rapid development and incredible variety of contemporary placename studies has given birth to a very complex landscape, featuring both theoretical propositions (e.g. critical toponymies) and a vast array of case studies, ranging from the San of Namibia, Singapore or the very heart of Manhattan. In turn, this landscape needs to be deciphered and maybe somewhat structured with a more general interpretative framework that will highlight the importance of context in the production of both knowledge and new placenames. We will try to contribute to this objective in two ways. Firstly, by mapping existing placename literature, assessing what are the places most talked about, and where the studies stem from. It will allow us to highlight the predominance of countries in a "post-" situation (post-apartheid, post-colonial, post-socialist, post-conflict.) in placenames studies, as well as of settler societies. Also, the geography of knowledge production in placename studies reveals both the usual dominance of Northern universities and the importance of specific locations, where the production of toponymic analysis is linked to national issues. Context thus appears as a significant element in the production of toponymic knowledge. Secondly, we will suggest that renaming practices (neotoponymy), as varied as they are throughout the world, present commonalities. These practices can be broken into three elements: contexts, actors and processes, and objectives. These elements do not have the same potential for generalization, but both the contexts and the objectives of renaming point to more general trends that can help theorize the renaming process. We will argue that three types of political contexts are especially conducive to neotoponymic production: those of revolution, conquest and boosterism. In turn, renaming practices aim at four main objectives: cleansing, restoring, founding, and branding. While the link between a type of context and the objectives of renaming is not straightforward, less alone deterministic, preferential sequences can be identified (e.g. toponymic cleansing and place founding in a context of revolution). By contrast, actors and concrete processes are more rooted in local conditions and their inherent situatedness make them more specific, and thus less easy to generalize. We will illustrate this framework with South African examples.

Toponyms, along with other urban symbols, were used as a tool of control over space in many African countries during the colonial period. This strategy was epitomized by the British, who applied it in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya from the late 1800s. This paper shows that toponymy in colonial Nairobi was an imposition of British political references, urban nomenclature, as well as the replication of a British spatial idyll on the urban landscape of Nairobi. In early colonial Nairobi, the population was mainly composed of three main groups: British, Asians, and Africans. Although the Africans formed the bulk of the population, they were the least represented, socially, economically and politically. Ironically, he British, who were the least in population held the political and economic power, and they applied it vigorously in shaping the identity of the city. The Asians were neither as powerful as the British, nor were they considered to be at the low level of the native Africans. This was the deliberate hierarchical structure that was instituted by the colonial government, where the level of urban citizenship depended on ethnic affiliation. Consequently, this structure was reflected in the toponymy and spatial organization of the newly founded city with little consideration to its pre-colonial status. Streets, buildings and other spaces such as parks were predominantly named after the British monarchy, colonial administrators, settler farmers, and businessmen, as well as prominent Asian personalities. In this paper, historical references such as maps, letter correspondences, monographs, and newspaper archives have been used as evidence to prove that toponyms in colonial Nairobi were the spatial signifiers that reflected the political, ideological and ethnic hierarchies and inequalities of the time.

Toponyms, along with other urban symbols, were used as a tool of control over space in many African countries during the colonial period. This strategy was epitomized by the British, who applied it in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya from the late 1800s. This paper shows that toponymy in colonial Nairobi was an imposition of British political references, urban nomenclature, as well as the replication of a British spatial idyll on the urban landscape of Nairobi. In early colonial Nairobi, the population was mainly composed of three main groups: British, Asians, and Africans. Although the Africans formed the bulk of the population, they were the least represented, socially, economically and politically. Ironically, he British, who were the least in population held the political and economic power, and they applied it vigorously in shaping the identity of the city. The Asians were neither as powerful as the British, nor were they considered to be at the low level of the native Africans. This was the deliberate hierarchical structure that was instituted by the colonial government, where the level of urban citizenship depended on ethnic affiliation. Consequently, this structure was reflected in the toponymy and spatial organization of the newly founded city with little consideration to its pre-colonial status. Streets, buildings and other spaces such as parks were predominantly named after the British monarchy, colonial administrators, settler farmers, and businessmen, as well as prominent Asian personalities. In this paper, historical references such as maps, letter correspondences, monographs, and newspaper archives have been used as evidence to prove that toponyms in colonial Nairobi were the spatial signifiers that reflected the political, ideological and ethnic hierarchies and inequalities of the time.

Interest in geographical names based on names of ores (железо 'iron', медь 'copper') and their generic designation (руда 'ore') is due to the fact that ore deposits are linked to a specific area and at the same time have a high value for the national economy, therefore, it is logical to expect their reflection in toponymy. The research material is a set of geographical names formed from the words железо, медь, руда and their derivatives recorded in the Russian North (Arkhangelsk and Vologda Regions) and in the Urals (Perm and Sverdlovsk Regions) during the work of the Toponymic Expedition of Ural University between the 1960s and 2010s. Taking into account the type of objects denominated, their areal distribution, and accompanying contexts, the author determines the motivation for such names. Additionally, the article examines alternative toponymic markers (ржавец 'viscous, swampy place, swamp covered with a reddish-brown coating, film (due to ironstone it contains)', домница 'blacksmith forge'), which could indicate the mining and production of iron. Moreover, the article examines data from the substrate toponymy of the Russian North with the same meaning (Ровдозеро, cf. Veps. roud 'iron'; Розмега, cf. Veps. rozḿe 'rust (on water)'). In the Russian North, железный is used to denote objects that are mostly water bodies — rivers, streams, swamps, and lakes, most of which are located in old iron-producing areas. Some of the names (for example, the metaphorical model Железные Ворота 'Iron Gate') are not related to iron ore deposits. Geographical names derived from the words руда, рудный и рудник are "synonymous" to toponyms referring to iron: water bodies also predominate among them, and most explanatory contexts associate them with the extraction of ore or the corresponding colour of water. The areas of toponyms formed from the words железо 'iron', ржавец 'rusty' and рудный (рудник) 'mine' in the Russian North overlap with and correspond to the territory of the main areas of the peasant iron industry. There are significantly fewer toponyms associated with copper mining in the Russian North: perhaps because there were practically no copper deposits. Most of the objects are fields and mows and the context does not allow the author to say which part of their names is associated with copper mining and which has a metaphorical meaning. In the Urals, ore toponymy is significantly less abundant than that of the Russian North: this applies to both железо and медь toponyms, and names derived from the words рудный and рудник. The only toponymic model that is massively represented in the Ural material is names derived from the word ржавец. Ore toponymy in the Russian North is more diverse and widespread than that of the Urals, which is probably due to the fact that the peasant iron industry in the Russian North was more widespread and lasted longer, while the Urals switched to factory production earlier.

A reflection on the Macedonian-Greek controversy around the so-called 'name dispute'. This research, tracing the origins and delinaments of litigation, sheds light on how toponymy can be transformed into an identity emblem when it is mobilised by political actors for whom the affirmation of belonging requires symbolic marking of spaces. The reconstruction of the dispute also suggests the complexity of the creation of Macedonian identity, which, beyond relations with Greece, also questions the factory of Macedonian society and inter-community relations within it. ; Une réflexion sur la controverse macédono-grecque autour de ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler la 'querelle du nom'. Cette recherche, retraçant la genèse et les délinéaments du contentieux, éclaire la manière dont la toponymie peut se muer en emblème identitaire lorsqu'elle est mobilisée par des acteurs politiques pour qui l'affirmation de l'appartenance passe par un marquage symbolique des espaces. La reconstitution de la dispute suggère en outre la complexité d'une élaboration identitaire macédonienne qui, par-delà les relations avec la Grèce, interroge également la fabrique de la société macédonienne et les relations intercommunautaires en son sein.

Introduction. The studies carried out to date on the settlements of the Don Cossacks and the toponymic system associated with them can and should be continued, since they open up prospects for further identifying the images of those with whom the Cossacks waged incessant wars, conquering and protecting the Russian and Don lands. They make it possible to trace the evolution of the development of the images of "us" and "others", as well as to identify the socio-cultural image of the Cossacks themselves, reflected in the characteristics of the "others." Methods and Materials. To solve these problems, field materials were used, collected by the ethnographic expedition of the Volgograd State University, the Southern Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1983–2011, as well as the author's personal trips to places of compact residence of the Don Cossacks on the territory of the Volgograd region, and newspapers materials of the second half of the 19th century. Analysis. The analysis showed that the system of toponyms and toponymic folk legends reflected the historical realities associated with the constant military confrontation between the Cossacks and nomadic peoples living in the neighborhood, as well as the respectful attitude of the Cossacks to their enemies. A significant number of toponyms associated with the Tatar and Circassian population, not erased over time in the memory of the Cossacks, but preserved and overgrown with new legends, testifies to how different cultural traditions coexisted peacefully in Diko Pole, despite the extreme nature of life in the zone of constant war. Along with the historical background of the life of the Cossacks, reflected in the toponyms, the mythology of the antithesis "ours and others" is studied, reflecting the Cossack version of social history and eschatology. Results. Analysis of the legends about the ancient inhabitants of the Don land showed that they appear as mythological creatures associated with the other world, secrets, treasures and dungeons, and in the context of folk eschatology they appear as ancestors – those who "left, but promised to return." Over time, the images of alien ancestors are replaced in the Don legends by the images of Cossack chieftains, who are also guardians of treasures and must return "in the end times" to restore social justice in the world. Along with the change in the socio-cultural model of the Cossacks, the image of "aliens" was also transformed from the perception of neighbors-enemies as such to "nonresident" living in Cossack settlements, but not associated with the Cossack military service. At all stages of the history of the Cossacks, the antithesis "we–they" reflected in toponyms and legends, was associated with the military status of the Cossacks and contributed to the search and the strengthening of the group's own identity.

This study aims to describe types of meanings and identify the semantic relations of place names, as well as explains the migration in Minangkabau on the West Coast of Sumatra. A qualitative research was used where sources of data were taken from interview, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), and documents. The interview and FGD were conducted to society figures, community leaders and government officials. The documents include the names of 22 sub-districts in 11 districts from four provinces, written sources, and other relics related to the names. The findings show that the place names provide knowledge about the relations of the meaning and socio-cultural values. The relation among the meanings of the place names includes synonymy and antonym that reflects the migration of Minangkabau in West Coast of Sumatra. The results also indicated that toponymy studies are very important because the naming of places has not received attention among the communities and has not been a study of interest.

Extant scholarship on football stadium names is almost exclusively restricted to discussing naming rights deals as expressions of toponymic commodification. Departing from this rather strict focus, this paper sets out to examine the patterns of stadium names from a quantitative perspective that is based on a dataset comprising football stadiums from around the world ( n=1485). Drawing on this empirical material, the paper conducts a multinomial logistic regression analysis focused on determining the factors that influence a stadium's name as: (a) being neutral (names carrying generic, local and/or descriptive connotations); (b) being political (names celebrating ideological values, historical dates and/or political personalities); (c) representing sports figures (names commemorating sportspersons, either former players or club officials); and (d) representing sponsorship (corporate names). The model points out that variations in stadium names are accounted for mostly by the football continental confederation, but are also influenced by a stadium's features such as capacity, year of construction and the status of being a shared venue or designated as the national stadium.