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Possible developments in US education in the twenty-first century are discussed, focusing on the educational implications of the emergence of a global marketplace, the challenge of ethnic diversity, new methods of teaching & learning, & efforts to restructure schools. It is argued that the US's multiple educational systems have not kept pace with changes in society. The emergence of a global economy, coupled with the growing challenge of ethnic diversity, necessitates a rethinking of traditional educational paradigms. It is suggested that the development of advanced technologies for teaching, learning, & school management, in concert with the initiation of a restructuring movement to facilitate school reform, may encourage the implementation of new models for education. Despite this opportunity for reform, a future of little or no change in US education is likely. Adapted from the source document.

Review of 'Handbook of Revolutions in the 21st Century: The New Waves of Revolutions, and the Causes and Effects of Disrup-tive Political Change'. Edited by Jack A. Goldstone, Leonid Grinin, and Andrey Korotayev. Springer, 2022. ISBN 978-3-030-86467-5.This is a big book in more ways than one. In its 41 chapters, readers will find much to keep them occupied. The volume's range is vast, covering several hundred years of history and an equally expan-sive geography, offering grand theorising alongside granular analysis, and providing insights ranging from the descriptive to the predictive. Within this panorama, I would highlight four general themes that strike me as particularly significant: first, the book's focus on waves; second, its insistence on the back-and-forth between history and theo-ry; third, its global frame of reference; and fourth, its attentiveness to non-progressive revolutionary currents, most notably religious revolutionary forces.

Considers the new context in which scientific activity is developing in the period of transition between the first half of the twentieth century, the classical era of the discipline of anthropology, and its rapidly approaching end. (SJO)

Piketty analyzes a unique collection of data from twenty countries, ranging as far back as the eighteenth century, to uncover key economic and social patterns and shows that modern economic growth and the diffusion of knowledge have allowed us to avoid inequalities. He argues, however, that the tendency of returns on capital to exceed the rate of economic growth will generate extreme inequalities that stir discontent and undermine democratic values if political action is not taken.

Important events -- Introduction: an American nightmare -- What happened in Afghanistan and the war on terror? -- What happened in the Iraq war? -- What happened in the Syrian civil war? -- Where else have terror and war happened? -- Source notes -- For further research -- Index -- About the author.

Introduction: black lives matter in America -- How have race relations changed in America? -- How have women's rights changed in America? -- How have lgbtq rights changed in America? -- How has the role of religion changed in America? -- Source notes -- For further research -- Index -- About the author.

The rise of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China is changing international cooperation. As China seeks new influence and the United States seeks to contain China and to reduce its own international obligations, three dimensions of multilateralism are becoming particularly important. The first is the management of the superpower rivalry, through formal treaties, informal arrangements among states, and international institutions. The second is the capacity of the leadership of any international institution to foster cooperation beyond the immediate preferences of one or another of the most powerful member states. The third dimension is the legitimacy on which the authority of international institutions rests. The evolution of these three elements will shape the future of multilateralism, by which I refer to the arrangements created and agreed by states which facilitate cooperation by enshrining commitments to diffuse reciprocity and peaceful dispute settlement.
The analysis of history and of variations in current practice in international cooperation underscores several ways in which international cooperation could be sustained even as the US-China rivalry strengthens. Global agencies can play a crucial role finding and highlighting areas where cooperation and competition can coexist, and where their own capacities to pool information, to reduce transactions costs, and to broker and monitor agreements can assist. This, in turn, requires high-quality leadership by people who can effectively broker agreements among countries, persuade countries to pool resources, and attract and organize an effective and highly motivated staff. Such leadership requires positive ongoing action by member states, to define what is required for effective leadership of the institutions they collectively create, to seek proven competence in each domain before appointing leaders, and to monitor ongoing performance. Finally, international institutions can buttress their legitimacy by finding better ways to ensure the participation of all stakeholders, and to respond rapidly and effectively to global crises and to provide global public goods.

Alongside non-international and international conflict, a third category of armed conflict is emerging: hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflict which involve state and non-state actors such as insurgents or terrorist organizations. Unconventional conflicts are among the trend topics of defense and security, and they pose a threat to the stability of international order. States and international organizations, such as the UN and NATO, face difficulty using legal tools currently provided by international law, in particular international humanitarian law (IHL) and the law of war (Geneva and Hague conventions). The issue is how current international law applies or can be adapted to these conflicts. There are some questions to be fixed. First, we should find whether new rules are required to deal with situations of hybrid conflict, or if current rules are still valid and can be used/adapted. Secondly, we should determine whether IHL applies in transnational armed conflict against non-state groups, and if their members cease to be targetable during a pause in their active involvement, and whether there can be a non-international armed conflict which has no finite territorial boundaries with a non-state armed group operating transnationally. Lastly, we should assess whether attacks carried out by a transnational organisation and its affiliates meet the criteria of qualifying as a state of armed conflict under IHL. ; A poster (DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1992458) has been presented in the Poster Session (10h30–11h00 and 11h40-12h00, 12 Dec. 2018) in the atrium of the Amphitheater General Ivens Ferraz at the Instituto Universitário Militar (IUM), Lisboa, Portugal, and later published in the conference proceedings, together with an extended abstract of this presentation. This work received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under research grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

Alongside non-international and international conflict, a third category of armed conflict is emerging: hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflict which involve state and non-state actors such as insurgents or terrorist organizations. Unconventional conflicts are among the trend topics of defense and security, and they pose a threat to the stability of international order. States and international organizations, such as the UN and NATO, face difficulty using legal tools currently provided by international law, in particular international humanitarian law (IHL) and the law of war (Geneva and Hague conventions). The question is how current international law applies or can be adapted to these conflicts. There are some questions to be fixed. First, we should find whether new rules are required to deal with situations of hybrid conflict, or if current rules are still valid and can be used/adapted. Secondly, we should determine whether IHL applies in transnational armed conflict against non-state groups, and if their members cease to be targetable during a pause in their active involvement, and whether there can be a non-international armed conflict which has no finite territorial boundaries with a non-state armed group operating transnationally. Lastly, we should assess whether attacks carried out by a transnational organisation and its affiliates meet the criteria of qualifying as a state of armed conflict under IHL. ; This poster was presented at 14h00 in the Parallel Session AR1, Part 1, at the Instituto Universitário Militar (IUM), Lisboa, Portugal, and later published in the conference proceedings, together with an extended abstract of the presentation. This poster received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under research grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.