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Intro -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- I Introduction to the Issues -- 1 NEGATIVITY AND REVOLUTION: ADORNO AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM -- 2 WHY ADORNO? -- 3 PIED PIPERS AND POLYMATHS: ADORNO'S CRITIQUE OF PRAXISISM -- II Negative Dialectics versus Neo-Structuralism -- 4 ANTAGONISM AND DIFFERENCE: NEGATIVE DIALECTICS AND POST-STRUCTURALISM IN VIEW OF THE CRITIQUE OF MODERN CAPITALISM -- 5 ADORNO AND POST-VANGUARDISM -- 6 NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE AUTONOMISM. OR WHY ADORNO? PART 2 -- III Emancipation and the Critique of Totality -- 7 ADORNO: THE CONCEPTUAL PRISON OF THE SUBJECT, POLITICAL FETISHISM AND CLASS STRUGGLE -- 8 EMANCIPATORY PRAXIS AND CONCEPTUALITY IN ADORNO -- IV The Politics of Sexuality and Art -- 9 ADORNO, NON-IDENTITY, SEXUALITY -- 10 SOLIDARITY WITH THE FALL OF METAPHYSICS: NEGATIVITY AND HOPE -- 11 MIMESIS AND DISTANCE: ARTS AND THE SOCIAL IN ADORNO'S THOUGHT -- LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS -- NAME INDEX -- SUBJECT INDEX.

Democracy & socialism are not separate concepts; socialism is a development of democratic relations. However, it has long been common to identify Stalinism with socialism. Stalinism can be defined in terms of state ownership, merging party & state power & suspending social power, suspension of democracy within the party, & limitations on individual liberty. These policies are essentially counterrevolutionary. Stalinism was not the inevitable result of the October Revolution, nor was it due to the underdevelopment of Russia; rather, it derived from the inner limitations of Bolshevism, including vanguardism, a one-party system, & growing detachment from the international workers' movement. The Stalinist system continues to exist as a bureaucratized political society whose primary end is not emancipation of the Wc but consolidation & maintenance of power. Rejection of this system of existing socialism opens a possibility of its rehabilitation. W. H. Stoddard.

Cover -- Half Title -- About the Book and Author -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- 1 Introduction: Marxism, Democracy, and Eurocommunism -- The Historical Break -- Four Marxist Strategies -- Democracy or Statism? -- The Rise of Eurocommunism -- 2 Beyond Vanguardism: The "Third Road" Strategy -- The Eclipse of the Leninist Party -- The Departure from Past Myths -- A Mediterranean Structural Reformism -- The Politics of the Transition -- 3 The PCI: A Party of Modernization? -- Capitalism and Rationalization -- Crisis, Immobilism, and Opposition -- The PCI's Rationalizing Ideology -- New Strategic Dilemmas -- An Economistic Model -- 4 The Limits of Structural Reformism -- Legitimation and the State -- Class Struggle or Corporatism? -- The Logic of Institutionalization -- A Party of a New Type -- What Kind of Democracy? -- 5 A Return to Social Democracy? -- Two Converging Traditions -- Eurocommunism, Crisis, and Transition -- Epilogue: Gramsci and Eurocommunism -- From Gramsci to Berlinguer -- Gramscian Strategy and the State -- Enter Togliatti -- Structural Reformism or Socialism? -- Notes -- Index.

Following recent debates between Vivek Chibber and leading postcolonial theorists, I probe into what is missing in these exchanges. I focus on the figure of the 'tribal' in modern India in Ranajit Guha's Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India and Alpa Shah's In the Shadows of the State, both of which claim to offer emic perspectives on subaltern politics and history. Yet both works, despite their undeniable differences, display a striking universalism that puts them, paradoxically, in the company of Chibber. This universalism, which we may call the resisting subject, is about the Other and about us simultaneously, the former constituted by the latter as an abstract object of analysis and as a key symbol of intellectual vanguardism. Are we not better off abandoning such universalisms and searching for ways in which Marxist theories of culture can be melded with postcolonial theories of capitalism?

Introduction José Pedro Zúquete -- SECTION I Conceptual/Empirical Issues -- 1. Left-wing Extremism: the conceptual dimension Uwe Backes -- 2. The Evolution of Left-Wing Extremism Garth Davies and Vanja Zdjelar -- 3. Radicalization and Left-Wing Extremism Katharina Krüsselmann and Daan Weggemans -- 4. Women in Left-Wing Extremism Irina Jugl and Daniel Kohler -- 5. Vanguardism and Left-Wing Extremism Phillip W. Gray -- 6. Left-Wing Extremism and Violence Ignacio Sánchez-Cuenca -- 7. Guerrilla and Cognitive Warfare in Transnational Leftwing Extremism Josh Vandiver -- 8. The Measurement of Left-Wing Extremist Attitudes Sebastian Jungkunz -- 9. Research Techniques in the Study of Left-Wing Extremism Arije Antinori -- SECTION II Manifestations of Left-Wing Extremism -- Europe -- 10. Germany Eckhard Jesse -- 11. France Isabelle Sommier -- 12. United Kingdom Luke March -- 13. Greece Lamprini Rori and Vasiliki Georgiadou -- 14. Spain Carles Viñas -- 15. Italy Francesco Marone -- 16. Scandinavia Jan Jämte, Måns Lundstedt, Magnus Wennerhag.

Circling Marx is both a window on to the forces and concerns that have shaped Thesis Eleven over four decades and an intellectual portrait of the singular post-Marxism of one of its leading thinkers. Beilharz emphasises the existence of multiple Marxes but leans towards a Marx who suggests an expanded materialism, a non-Bolshevik Marx, and a Marx of motion, rather than laws. Addressing Marxism and socialism more widely, Beilharz again underscores multiplicity, favouring those thinkers and currents that acknowledged complexity and limits, that staged something of a conversation between Marx and Weber, and that took distance from the teleology, vanguardism, and hubris that has marked parts of the Marxist tradition. Moving into more clearly post-Marxist territory, through important encounters with Heller and Feher, Bauman, Smith, and Castoriadis, Beilharz's optic prioritises place, cultural traffic, and ambivalence, combining categories of ambitious scope with epistemological and normative circumspection, criticism with world affirmation.

Pt. 1. Some thoughts on the origins of our current predicament. Manners, deference, and private property: or, elements for a general theory of hierarchy -- The very idea of consumption: desire, phantasms, and the aesthetics of destruction from medieval times to the present -- Turning modes of production inside-out: or, why capitalism is a transformation fo slavery (short version) -- Fetishism as social creativity: or, fetishes are gods in the process of construction -- pt. 2. Provisional autonomous zone: dilemmas of authority in rural Madagascar. Provisional autonomous zone: or, the ghost-state in Madagascar -- Dancing with corpses resonsidered: an interpretation of Famadihana (in Arivonimamo, Madigascar) -- Love magic and political morality in central Madagascar, 1875-1990 -- Oppression -- pt. 3. Direct action, direct democracy, and social theory. The twilight of vanguardism -- Social theory as science and utopia: or, does the prospect of a general sociological theory still mean anything in an age of globalization? -- There never was a west: or, democracy emerges from the spaces in between -- On the phenomenology of giant puppets: broken windows, imaginary jars of urine, and the cosmological role of the police in American culture

Mike Rustin discusses his lifelong involvement in the New Left, which began when he was still at school. He describes the history of the First New Left, including the role played within it by figures such as Stuart Hall, Edward Thompson and Raymond Williams, and the role of the New
Left in student politics in Oxford University, where Michael was a student and a leading member of the Labour club. He looks at the changing relationships between the New Left and the Labour Party in the 1960s and the publication of the May Day Manifesto in 1967. He also discusses the
founding of the New Left Review and the transition from the time of its first editor, Stuart Hall, to that of its second, Perry Anderson, as well his two terms as a member of its editorial board, and his continuing disagreements and agreements with its editorial direction. His reflections
on contemporary politics include a discussion of the relationship of New Left ideas to current movements and the Labour Party, a critique of vanguardism, and the founding of Soundings.

Lejos de ser una mera manifestación artística y folklórica, la carga simbólica del género flamenco en el marco de la cultura andaluza ha aumentado a lo largo de las últimas dos décadas debido a la diversificación del campo artístico en la era de la globalización y la consiguiente revalorización de lo local y lo autóctono. El presente artículo discute algunos de los argumentos centrales y las posibles consecuencias de la actual política de patrimonialización del flamenco con un enfoque crítico y a partir de la dialéctica entre esencialismo cultural y vanguardia artística. ; Being far from a simple artistic and folkloristic expression, the symbolic significance of flamenco within the context of the Andalusian culture has increased during the last two decades as a consequence of the diversification of the artistic field in the era of globalizationand the influence of revalorization of the local and the autochthonous. This article discusses some of the main arguments and their implications in the present politics of patrimonialization of flamenco from a critical point of view and based on the dialectics of cultural essentialism and artistic vanguardism.

ResumenEl presente artículo tiene por objetivo indagar y ana-lizar algunas iniciativas editoriales desarrolladas enCórdoba durante los años sesenta y primeros seten-ta. El texto hace foco en dos revistas (Aula Vallejo eIgitur) y un sello editorial vinculado a los miembrosdel grupo de Pasado y Presente (Ediciones Nagelkop).De esta manera, nos proponemos mostrar que la acti-vidad editorial y cultural tuvo una marcada autono-mía respecto de la política. Planteamos también que,en ese contexto, el vanguardismo contribuyó a inten-sificar dicha autonomía. Palabras Clave Córdoba, Edición, Revistas, Vanguardia AbstractThe objective of this paper is to examine certain edi-torial initiatives developed in Córdoba during the six-ties and early seventies. The text focuses on tworeviews (Aula Vallejo and Igitur) and a publishingfirm linked to the members of Pasado y Presentegroup (Ediciones Nagelkop). In this way, we intendto show that cultural and editorial activity had a mar-ked autonomy as regards politics. We also argue that,in that context, vanguardism contributed to thestrengthening of this autonomy. KeywordsCórdoba, Publishing, Reviews, Avant-garde

Being far from a simple artistic and folkloristic expression, the symbolic significance of flamenco within the context of the Andalusian culture has increased during the last two decades as a consequence of the diversification of the artistic field in the era of globalization and the influence of revalorization of the local and the autochthonous. This article discusses some of the main arguments and their implications in the present politics of patrimonialization of flamenco from a critical point of view and based on the dialectics of cultural essentialism and artistic vanguardism. ; Lejos de ser una mera manifestación artística y folklórica, la carga simbólica del género flamenco en el marco de la cultura andaluza ha aumentado a lo largo de las últimas dos décadas debido a la diversificación del campo artístico en la era de la globalización y la consiguiente revalorización de lo local y lo autóctono. El presente artículo discute algunos de los argumentos centrales y las posibles consecuencias de la actual política de patrimonialización del flamenco con un enfoque crítico y a partir de la dialéctica entre esencialismo cultural y vanguardia artística.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Part I: Macpherson's Project -- Chapter 1: Overview of Macpherson's Works -- Synopses of Macpherson's Books -- Appendix: Possessive Individualism's Critics -- References -- Chapter 2: Macpherson and Liberal Democracy -- Liberal Democracy -- Individualism -- More on Macpherson's Liberal-Democratic Credentials -- Vanguardism -- References -- Chapter 3: Macpherson's Socialism -- Egalitarianism -- Anti-Capitalism -- Institutions -- An Ideological Problem -- Political Action -- Realism and Utopianism -- Appendix: Macpherson and Marxism -- References -- Part II: Questions of Theory -- Introduction to Part II -- Reference -- Chapter 4: Political Theory and Political Philosophy -- Philosophy -- Macpherson as a Crypto Philosopher -- Ethics and Morality -- Ontology -- Does Macpherson Need Philosophy? -- Advantages to Philosophical Agnosticism -- References -- Chapter 5: Core Themes -- True and False Needs -- Truly Human Powers -- Positive Liberty -- False Consciousness -- Self-Ownership -- Individuals and Society -- Historicism -- Foundationalism -- References -- Part III: Contemporary Challenges -- Introduction to Part III -- Chapter 6: Neoliberalism -- Subjectivism -- Pleonexia -- All-Encompassing Marketization -- Individual Freedom -- Incentives -- Accommodating Bad People -- Democracy -- Efficiency -- Confronting Neoliberalism -- References -- Chapter 7: Global Problems -- Globalization -- Macpherson's Theories and Globalization -- Environmental Degradation -- References -- Chapter 8: Intellectual Property -- The Globalization of Intellectual Property -- Macpherson on Property -- Counter-Arguments -- Concluding Comment -- References -- Chapter 9: Racism and Sexism -- Potentials in Liberal Democracy -- Market Society Versus Developmental Democracy -- References -- Chapter 10: Urban Challenges.

Violence against Women (VAW) is among the human rights violations that women face globally every day. The roots of VAW lie in historically unequal power relations between men and women and pervasive discrimination against women in both the public and private spheres. VAW is a global phenomenon that is not limited to certain cultures or countries. However, the form it takes is context-specific. In Ethiopia VAW is pervasive, occurring at three levels as identified by the UN: family; community; and the state. Despite policy pronouncements and the implementation of some practical measures, VAW is still prevalent in Ethiopia. This new Working Paper by Dereje Feyissa, adjunct associate professor, Addis Ababa University, offers a political interpretation to explain the gap between policy and practice on VAW in Ethiopia. Specifically, it argues that the gap between policy and practice lies in the type of regime in Ethiopia, which has undermined the political will and limited the space for gender activism. Historically, this has been evident ideologically (the Marxist frame of the 'women question' and the vanguardism connected with it), but also in respect to political legitimacy (ethnic federalism and the priority given to cultural rights), entrenched authoritarianism and the limited space available for gender activism by women's right groups.