Suchergebnisse

Critics argue that the social scientific movements in political science has led to bad government. But there is no sound scientific foundation for the schism between traditional Western normative philosophy and social science. (SJK)

I want to dissent initially from the rather constricting frame of reference that Schubert has established in his paper. He has every right in the world to set rhetorical snares, but I have no intention of walking into them. If I may summarize, Schubert asserts that he is a spokesman for a radical new direction in the study of public law, claiming that the old ways are moribund. He further urges that we should look with envy at the creative function of the social psychologists who supplied the Supreme Court with the banners it carried in Brown v. Board of Education while we were bumbling around with historical and philosophical trivia. He concludes that instead of wasting our time with talmudic disputations on whether the Supreme Court reached the "right" or the "wrong" decisions in specific cases, we should settle down to build a firm "scientific" foundation for our discipline.Not the least amusing aspect of this indictment is that I find myself billed as the defender of the ancien régime, as the de Maistre of public law. Therefore, for the benetfit of the young and impressionistic, let me break loose from Schubert's rhetorical trap: I too think that much of the research done in public law—and, for that matter, in political science generally—has been trivial.

AT FIRST SIGHT ONE MIGHT BELIEVE THAT THE REPORT ON THE teaching of social sciences in the world prepared in 1951 by William Robson, at the invitation of UNESCO for the International Political Science Association, is still valid today in what it says about the situation in France. In fact, because of the strong traditions in the French universities, the teaching of and research in political science in France have not made the progress which had been hoped for, in spite of the continuing efforts of successive governments. Nevertheless, since the mid-1960s a major effort has been made. Some 40 chairs and nearly three times as many lectureships and assistant lectureships have been created and several large research centres have been set up, particularly in Paris where, alongside the venerable Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, many teams have been established, notably at Paris I, Paris II and Paris X, comprising lawyears, sociologists and historians.

The foundation of West German political science does not fit in with notions that the creation of a new discipline results or should result from autonomous changes within the academic system, i.e. from topical specialization, analytical diversification and theoretical progress of existing disciplines. The absence of a distinct academic discipline for political science in Germany before 1945, its political implementation after 1948 and its establishment in the 1960s were highly dependent on the course of socio-political development. The same can be said of the conceptual disputes and changes which have occurred since the late 1960s. However specific to the case of West Germany, the correlations between politics and political science considered in this article indicate a close connection between political and academic development

The development of political science in Switzerland in terms of an academic recognition has its origins in the French part of Switzerland in the 1960s to 1980s, followed by the German part. Today, ten institutions in Switzerland offer political science at Bachelors and at Masters level. While in 2'000, only about 2'300 students studied political science in Switzerland this number almost doubled within ten years. One of the main changes in political science education in Switzerland consists in the replacement of the existing degrees of Lizentiat and Diplom by Bachelor- and Master-programmes according to the 'Bologna reform' in the early 2000s, by which Switzerland has pioneered the transformation processes. The first chair in political science was installed in 1959. Currently, there are about 50 full professorships at Swiss Universities. The main research fields of political science consist of international studies, democracy and Swiss politics, although Swiss politics still is considered particularly important in Switzerland due to of its unique political system within Europe such as direct democracy.

Conceptualizing political space and mobilization / Eva Hansson & Meredith Weiss -- Politics and businessification : the struggle for civil society / Kevin Hewison -- Post-democracy and political space : lessons from the Korean experience / Jamie Doucette -- Moral discourse and China's evolving enterprise society / Johan Lagerkvist -- Reshaping political space and workers' mobilization in South Korea / Kwang-Yeong Shin -- The new meaning of political participation in cyberspace : social media and collective action in Vietnam's authoritarianism / Bui Hai Thiem -- Consumer space as political space : liquid Islamism in Malaysia and Indonesia / Hew Wai Weng -- Political discourse on the internet in China : a multifarious virtual space / Teresa Wright -- When democracy is questioned : competing democratic principles and struggles for democracy in Thailand / Bencharat Sae Chua -- Political space in refugee camps : enabling and constraining conditions for refugee agency / Elisabeth Olivius -- Policing politics : Myanmar's military regime and protest spaces in times of transition / Marco Beunte -- Participation and space : themes, patterns, and implications / Meredith Weiss & Eva Hansson.

This week we look at parliament's role in shaping Brexit-related legislation between 2017 and 2019. We ask: What role did parliament play in Brexit? More particularly, how much influence has it had over Brexit legislation? And has it done harm or good?

This week we're examining the ways we talk about automation and immigration, and how this discourse shapes the economy. We ask: How far are discourses around immigration and automation tied to each other? What is the link between this rhetoric and the economic system known as 'neo-liberalism'? Is the UK unique in our debates about robots and immigrants, and their effect on the labour market?

This week we are looking at regulation of the internet. How much of it is needed, and what form should it take?

This week we are looking at what politicians say. How can we analyse it? And what do we learn as a result?

In this week's episode we are looking at prison protests in Palestine. What are they about? What do they achieve? What can we learn?

We're focusing on contemporary ideas of democracy. What kinds of democratic system do people want? And what understandings of democracy underpin them?