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This is a 1000-word encyclopedia entry arguing that lesbian politics in Australia had two strands, one that might be called 'liberal pluralist', and the other lesbian feminist (although both were argued within feminism). The first asked for mainstream recognition and acceptance of lesbianism as a valid alternative lifestyle, the second claimed to pose a challenge and a threat to that mainstream, particularly to the norm of heterosexuality for women.

Reviews Politics in Time: History, Institutions and Social Analysis by Paul Pierson. Adapted from the source document.

What is the proper relation of religious moralities—and of moralities generally— to politics, especially to the politics of a society as religiously and morally pluralistic as our own. May a person rely on her religious-moral beliefs in making political choices? In deliberating about political choices with persons who do not share — who may even reject — her religious-moral beliefs? In defending her political choices to such persons? In this article, which is mainly critical rather than constructive, I indicate some basic respects in which the principal contemporary liberal responses to the question of the proper relation of morality to politics are deeply problematic.1Elsewhere in the work of which this article is a part, my effort is mainly constructive: I elaborate and defend a postliberal conception of the proper relation of moral beliefs, especially religious-moral beliefs, to the politics of a pluralistic society like our own; in particular, I elaborate and defend a conception of the proper relation of religious communities to the religiously and morally pluralistic political community of which they are a part.2

In this Essay I would like to share some reflections on the politics of same-sex marriage politics. In a very short period of time, this issue has moved to the center of the gay and lesbian rights movement as well as larger mainstream political and legal debates. Some have even argued that this issue affected, if not determined, the outcome of the 2004 presidential election. This, I believe, is rather an overstatement, but I must concede that the issue has gained traction in ways that most of us would not have predicted five years ago. The states of Vermont and Connecticut have enacted Civil Union laws for same-sex couples, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts now allows both same and different sex couples to marry, and, in the last year, trial courts have found unconstitutional the exclusion of same-sex couples from the institution of marriage in New York and California. Spain has now joined some of its fellow EU members in the Rhine Delta by allowing same-sex couples to marry, and the Constitutional Court of South Africa found that the South African Constitution requires that same-sex couples be permitted to marry on terms equal to those made available to different sex couples. At the same time, Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed the same-sex marriage law in California, courts in Arizona and Indiana rejected constitutional challenges to their marriage laws, an intermediate appellate court in New York reversed a trial court finding that same-sex couples should be permitted to marry, and referenda barring same-sex marriage swept the country in 2004 and 2005 and will, no doubt, continue to do so in 2006. Forty-two states have enacted "little DOMAs," limiting the institution of marriage to one man and one woman. This issue, like so many others in American politics at the present moment, is highly polarized – rarely garnering moderate positions. I would like to reflect on this dynamic political, moral, and legal moment – which, I fear, may have shifted again by the time you finish reading this Essay – by offering some thoughts about how and why this particular issue has emerged as the highest of priorities in the gay community, and what might be the costs of such a strategic choice. Just two years ago, in sweeping language, the U.S. Supreme Court found laws that criminalized same-sex sex unconstitutional in Lawrence v. Texas. This decision has been widely referred to in the lesbian and gay legal community as "our Brown," referring to the landmark 1954 desegregation decision Brown v. Board of Education. By this, of course, it is meant that Lawrence would usher in a civil rights revolution for gay men and lesbians in a fashion equivalent to the civil rights movement inaugurated by Brown.

Inbar reviews 'Alliance Politics' by Glenn H. Snyder.

This article serves as an introduction to the special section on Sensorial Politics, which includes articles by Nicholas Caverly, Elsa Davidson, Susan Falls and Ali Kenner. The introduction outlines the arguments of the articles before proceeding to a discussion of the common themes they illuminate as a whole. In particular, they address four key issues: the relationship between the sensorial and the political; the role of sensorial disruption and its political effects; the issue of labor; and the issue of knowledge. We conclude that while these pieces advance our understanding of the relationships between the sensorium and politics, they also open up avenues for ongoing research and theorization, particularly in our contemporary situation, in which the Covid-19 pandemic has recast sensorial politics in new ways.

When Lin-Manuel Miranda first picked up Ron Chernow's autobiography of Alexander Hamilton, he didn't know much about the former Treasury Secretary. He didn't yet know he was an immigrant, and he hadn't yet read a sentence penned by Hamilton in which he wished for a war—the line that would inspire the creation of a revolutionary hip hop musical and Disney feature film. Lin joined David in October 2016 and spoke about what Alexander Hamilton would think of our politics today. He also discusses the value of growing up in a school where the arts were emphasized as much as math and science, and what came next when he thought to himself, "What happens if I bring all of me to something?"
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'Der Beitrag geht von einem Verständnis von Politischer Kultur aus, das im Wesentlichen von Almond, Verba und Powell bestimmt wird. Dabei wird die Existenz von Subkulturen territorialer und nicht-territorialer Art ebenso hervorgekehrt wie die Bedeutung von Konfliktlinien ('cleavages') für die Entwicklung politischer Identitäten. Die Aspekte des Fehlens einer umfassenden Politischen Kultur Europas (bzw. der Europäischen Union) werden beschrieben. Auf Österreich eingehend, arbeitet der Artikel die Elemente des Wandels der Merkmale heraus, die lange Zeit hindurch als spezifische Eigenschaften der Politischen Kultur Österreichs gegolten haben. Die abnehmende Bedeutung der Subkulturen steht für eine Transformation der politischen Sozialisation und für einen Rückgang traditioneller politischer Loyalitäten. Dabei wird auch die Rolle der österreichischen Kulturpolitik und der kulturellen Hegemonie diskutiert.' (Autorenreferat)

Chapter 1 Nigeria After a Century of Nationhood -- Chapter 2 Nigeria up to 1914: Some Emerging Political and Economic Issues -- Chapter 3 Nigeria Between 1914 and 1960: Constitutional Changes and Crises in an Era of Colonialism -- Chapter 4 Post-Colonial Nigeria: Power and Politics in the First Republic, 1960-66 -- Chapter 5 The Executive Arm of Government in Nigeria -- Chapter 6 The National Assembly -- Chapter 7 The Judiciary in Nigeria: Its Many Phases and Challenges -- Chapter 8 Federalism in Nigeria -- Chapter 9 Local Government and Governance in Nigeria -- Chapter 10 Political Party and Party Politics in Nigeria -- Chapter 11 Election and Electoral Administration in Nigeria -- Chapter 12 Nigerian Economy during Colonial Era: An Overview -- Chapter 13 The Nigerian Debt Crisis -- Chapter 14 Nationalism and National Integration in Nigeria -- Chapter 15 The Niger Delta, Oil Politics and the Nigerian State -- Chapter 16 Population Census Administration in Nigeria Chapter -- 17 Military Intervention in Nigerian Politics -- Chapter 18 Civil-Military Relations in Nigeria -- Chapter 19 Inter-Group Relations and Party Politics in Nigeria -- Chapter 20 Politics of Pension Reform in Nigeria.

AbstractThe way forward for the left in the new political landscape