Suchergebnisse

The demand for equality has been at the heart of the politics of the Left in the twentieth century, but what did theorists and politicians on the British Left mean when they said they were committed to?equality?? How did they argue for a more egalitarian society? Which policies did they think could best advance their egalitarian ideals? Equality and the British Left provides the first comprehensive answers to these questions. It charts debates about equality from the progressive liberalism and socialism of the early twentieth century to the arrival of the New Left and revisionist social democracy in the 1950s

Moins de 3 mois après son élection, la cote de confiance de François Hollande est en berne dans les sondages. Entre hésitations, crise de l'Euro et tensions dans son parti, Hollande ne serait-il pas la nouvelle brebis égarée de la gauche?Sans concessions, avec une plume acérée et polémiste, Bruno de la Palme a traqué les erreurs historiques, les incohérences économiques et l'aveuglement de la gauche de 1912 à aujourd'hui. Saviez-vous que la colonisation n'est pas l'œuvre de la droite mais de la gauche ; que Mendès France et Guy Mollet ont lancé la course à la bombe atomique, mais que les soci.

There are three purposes of this paper. The first is to see whether parliamentary speech can be used to classify Australian federal parliamentarians from the main two political groups (the Australian Labor Party and the Liberal National Party Coalition) into their respective groupings. I use machine learning and text analysis to create a classifier which is able to do this with 76% accuracy. The second aim is to use the probability scores generated by the classifier to place ALP and LNPC parliamentarians on an ideological spectrum. This rankingprocedure enables us to see who the moderates and extremes are within the ALP and the LNPC. The third purposes is to demonstrate how scoring parliamentarians according to their ideological orientation can be used to provide insight into several political phenomena. I discuss several general applications of ideological scores. I also provide specific examples of how such quantitative scores can shed light on qualitative discussions of the ideology of parliamentarians and show how such scores can be used to explain party leader selection processes.

A former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State and currently Acting Senior Vice President for Research at The Heritage Foundation, Kim R. Holmes surveys the state of liberalism in America today and finds that it is becoming its opposite-illiberalism-abandoning the precepts of open-mindedness and respect for individual rights, liberties, and the rule of law upon which the country was founded, and becoming instead an intolerant, rigidly dogmatic ideology that abhors dissent and stifles free speech. Tracing the new illiberalism historically to the radical Enlightenment, a movement that rejected the classic liberal ideas of the moderate Enlightenment that were prominent in the American Founding, Holmes argues that today's liberalism has forsaken its American roots, incorporating instead the authoritarian, anti-clerical, and anti-capitalist prejudices of the radical and largely European Left. The result is a closing of the American liberal mind. Where once freedom of speech and expression were sacrosanct, today liberalism employs speech codes, trigger warnings, boycotts, and shaming rituals to stifle freedom of thought, expression, and action. It is no longer appropriate to call it liberalism at all, but illiberalism-a set of ideas in politics, government, and popular culture that increasingly reflects authoritarian and even anti-democratic values, and which is devising new strategies of exclusiveness to eliminate certain ideas and people from the political process. Although illiberalism has always been a temptation for American liberals, lurking in the radical fringes of the Left, it is today the dominant ideology of progressive liberal circles. This makes it a new danger not only to the once venerable tradition of liberalism, but to the American nation itself, which needs a viable liberal tradition that pursues social and economic equality while respecting individual liberties

"This study presents a new method to estimate the locations of voters, parties, and
European political groups in the same ideological space using left-right placements
by voters. We apply our method to the 2009 European Election Survey and demonstrate
that the improvement in party estimates that one gains from xing various survey bias issues is significant. Our scaling strategy provides left-right positions of voters and party positions for 162 parties - more than traditional expert survey studies currently provide. We test the convergent validity of these positions in multiple ways and demonstrate how rescaled voter and party positions can be used in cross-national research." (author's abstract)

In the aftermath of the economic crisis, left-wing parties and leaders began to consider themselves populists or were labelled as such in media and public discourse. This trend can be witnessed in instances such as Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, France Insoumise in France, DiEM25 at the European level and even Corbyinism in the UK. However, the problem still remains as to how we define left-wing populism in contemporary Europe as well as the main characteristics. This book conceptualizes left-wing populism as a combination of the populist impetus of expanding representation, through the appeal to "the people" against "the elites" and the agenda of the left to promote equality and social justice. This study undertakes an in-depth exploration into the concepts of sovereignty, class identity and "the people". Moreover, this book also discusses the institutional dimension of left-wing populism, in dialogue with republicanism and the international sphere, reflected in the debate between sovereignism and transnationalism. The result is an open conceptualization of left-wing populism in which populist parties acquire a hybrid form and incorporate different traditions and influences such as socialism, populism and republicanism in order to reach a social majority and expand democracy. This recent phenomenon of left-wing populism has showed potential to re-define the left-project, but also demonstrates its shortcomings regarding the scope of the political change and its capacity to make politics in a different manner, by and for the people. This invaluable text will prove an essential read for those in the fields of political theory and contemporary political studies

The left/right semantic is used widely to describe the patterns of party competition in democratic countries. This article examines the patterns of party policy in Anglo-American and Western European countries on three dimensions of left/right disagreement: wealth redistribution, social morality and immigration. The central questions are whether, and why, parties with left-wing or right-wing positions on the economy systematically adopt left-wing or right-wing positions on immigration and social morality. The central argument is that left/right disagreement is asymmetrical: leftists and rightists derive from different sources, and thus structure in different ways, their opinions about policy. Drawing on evidence from Benoit and Laver's (2006) survey of experts about the policy positions of political parties, the results of the empirical analysis indicate that party policy on the economic, social and immigration dimensions are bound together by parties on the left, but not by parties on the right. The article concludes with an outline of the potential implications of left/right asymmetry for unified theories of party competition.

FUNDAMENTAL VALUES, IN THE FORM OF PHILOSOPHICAL ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT HUMAN NATURE ARE HYPOTHESIZED TO BE AS HELPFUL AS POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF A LEFT-RIGHT CHARACTER IN UNDERSTANDING VIEWS ON THE PARTICIPATION OF THE DISADVANTAGED. WESTERN MARXISTS AND LIBERALS ARE BOTH OPTIMISTIC ABOUT HUMAN NATURE AND THEY FAVOR PARTICIPATION OF THESE GROUPS WHILE CONSERVATIVES AND MARXIST-LENINISTS ARE PESSIMISTIC ABOUT HUMANKIND AND DISCOURAGE IT. THE NEW RIGHT CHARACTERIZATIONS OF HUMAN NATURE ARE CONTRADICTORY AND THEIR ENTHUSIASM FOR THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE DISADVANTAGED CAN BE INTERPRETED AS EITHER A DEEPLY HELD EMOTIONAL COMMITMENT, OR MERELY ONE ELEMENT IN A CALCULATED ELECTORAL STRATEGY.