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This paper provides the first estimate of the effect of door-to-door canvassing on actual electoral outcomes, via a countrywide experiment embedded in François Hollande's campaign in the 2012 French presidential election. While existing experiments randomized door-to-door visits at the individual level, the scale of this campaign (five million doors knocked) enabled randomization by precinct, the level at which vote shares are recorded administratively. Visits did not affect turnout, but increased Hollande's vote share in the first round and accounted for one-fourth of his victory margin in the second. Visits' impact persisted in later elections, suggesting a lasting persuasion effect. (JEL C93, D7, D83)

This article examines the performance and party system diffusion of Euroscepticism of the French Front National (FN) during recent European crises. The article argues that Europe's successive crises since 2008 have been essentially 'absorbed' by the FN into its existing Eurosceptic framework which is guided by its radical right-wing ideology. While allowing the FN to successfully mobilize issues and grievances about the European Union (EU), Euroscepticism is, however, significantly impeding its strategy of governmental credibility. The article identifies the main political outcomes of these crises and finds differences in impact between the different EU crises on party competition over Europe. These findings provide insight into the relationship between the radical Right, Euroscepticism, and party competition. They also inform our current knowledge of Euroscepticism in French politics, and changes that EU crises have triggered, according to party system location and whether FN influence can be postulated.

À partir d'enquêtes ethnographiques – par observation participante, entretien, questionnaire – dans quatre mobilisations dites de sans (chômeurs et chômeuses, sans-papiers), l'auteur analyse les modes d'articulation entre travail domestique et travail militant en termes de consubstantialité des rapports sociaux de sexe, de classe et de race. Il montre que l'accès au militantisme est clivé par la polarisation et la diversité sexuées des expériences du travail domestique (exploiteur/exploitée versus abandon, autonomie, partage, privation). D'une part, les logiques domestiques orientent les modes d'entrée et d'inscription dans le travail militant. D'autre part, les formes de la division du travail militant ont des effets ambivalents sur l'assignation domestique des femmes.

AbstractThis essay offers a reflexive return to two research projects to demonstrate the value of Bourdieu's emphasis on the symbolic for the analysis of contemporary urban transformation. Bourdieu's insistence that we track the social genesis and diffusion of spatial categories of thought and action directs us to the empirical study of the struggles between agents and organizations that promote and/or oppose these categories, as well as the political, economic and other interests animating the agents. A retracing of the parallel invention of the 'at‐risk neighborhood' (quartier sensible) coined for and targeted by French urban policy since the late 1980s and the emergence of 'historic' or 'diverse' neighborhoods touted by gentrifying residents, cultural organizations and real estate agents in the United States since the 1960s challenges misleading oppositions between materiality and representations that often underpin and cramp urban research.