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This article views the new public management (NPM) as a prime example of the sour laws of unintended consequences in action. Section 1 places the UK in international context by arguing there is no such thing as NPM and suggesting recent public sector reforms vary along six dimensions: privatisation, marketisation, corporate management, regulation, decentralisation and political control. Section 2 updates the UK story by describing developments under New Labour. Section 3 identifies the unintended consequences of reform: fragmentation, steering, accountability, co‐ordination, and public service ethics. Section 4 argues the conventional story of public sector reform as marketization and corporate management omits significant changes. British government differentiated its service delivery systems and now employs at least three governing structures: bureaucracy, markets and networks. The final section discusses whether British experience is different. I argue a satisfactory explanation of the differences must include an analysis of governmental traditions that make public sector reform distinctive everywhere.

The Commonwealth Department of Finance, together with the Treasury from which it was hived off in 1976, constitutes the central budgetary agency at the Australian federal level. For the purposes of this article, I identify Finance as a convenient working model of central budgetary agencies, at least in their traditional Australian incarnation. I accept that Finance is unlikely to be fully representative of all such Australian agencies, and I acknowledge that the federal government's annual budget is officially introduced into parliament by the Treasurer, and that the Treasury is deservedly regarded as the core budgetary agency. But my focus here is on Finance's special responsibility for the public management framework, and Finance's role in providing policy advice to government organisations on how to make the best use of budget funding. This article then presents the findings of a recent evaluation of selected policy‐advising activities with the department.

Abstract: There is no universal panacea to improve the efficiency of public enterprises. However there is a worldwide trend at present to place more emphasis on markets than on centrally devised planning. The ownership of public enterprises is examined and it is argued that the performance of public enterprises is related to placing them in a more competitive environment. The importance of industry structure to competition is then discussed. The next sections turn to more practical matters. The first notes the present federal reforms of public enterprises and notes some similarities with the reforms set out in British White Papers in the 1950s and 1960s; and these reforms did not work in the sense of providing greater efficiency. Finally by way of example the deregulation of the NSW egg industry is examined; and the role of the government as a shareholder is discussed in the context of Australian Airlines. The paper concludes with a short summary.

Major Frederick Goulburn's appointment in 1820 as Colonial Secretary and Registrar of the Records of New South Wales was something more than the appointment of just another colonial official. It was also a recognition by the home government, as had been the appointment of a Commissioner of Inquiry the previous year, of the changing character of the colony. Though still predominantly a penal colony, it was no longer that alone but was developing also into a colony of free British settlement with economic potential. "Considering the Importance which the Colony has attained from its rapid Increase in Wealth and Population", wrote Lord Bathurst, Secretary of State for War and Colonies, "His Majesty has thought it adviseable to take this opportunity of placing these officers [Colonial Secretary and Provost Marshall] on the Footing on which they stand in other Foreign Possessions of the Crown"; their Commissions were to be prepared for the King's signature in the usual form.

Lorenzo Arrazola fue un eminente jurista y político del siglo XIX español. Fue Presidente del Gobierno, en seis ocasiones Ministro de Gracia y Justicia, disputado del partido moderado y senador vitalicio. Fue Presidente de la Real Academia de Legislación y Jurisprudencia, Presidente del Tribunal Supremo y dirigió la magna obra "Enciclopedia Española de Derecho y Administración". ; Lorenzo Arrazola was an eminent jurist and politician of the Spanish 19th century. He was the President of the Government, plus, in six occasions, Minister of Grace and Justice, representative for the moderate party and a life senator. He was also the President of the Real Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence, the President of the Supreme Court and the director of the opera magna "Law and Administration Spanish Encyclopedia".

The purpose of the article is the theoretical and methodological substantiation of institutional and organizational and legal bases of formation of a new model of public power at the subregional level in the conditions of decentralization. The analysis of organizational and legal bases of functioning of the existing system of state bodies and local self-government bodies, which function at the district level, is carried out. The main shortcomings of the existing model of public administration are highlighted, its inconsistency is stated not only with the new territorial structure of the subregional and basic levels, but also with the challenges facing our country. It is stated that in the new political and economic conditions, in connection with the challenges, primarily of a security nature, related to the real military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and other potential threats to sovereignty, national security and territorial integrity, as well as the transition of virtually all functions of local self-government to the level of territorial communities, and, accordingly, the transition of management facilities and budget allocations to the basic level, the functionality of public administration at the subregional level needs significant correction. In this regard, the Concept of reforming local self-government and territorial organization of power in Ukraine in 2014, which is the basis of decentralization reform, needs to be significantly revised in terms of the organization of public power. Foreign models of public administration at the subregional level, in particular Poland, France and Germany, are considered. Foreign practice and domestic experience gave the author reason to conclude that, given the new challenges for Ukraine, the paradigm of public administration of the subregional level should change significantly, which involves the transition from self-governing model of the district to administrative in the relevant territory of the subregion. ; Метою статті є теоретико-методологічне обґрунтування інституціональних та організаційно-правових засад формування нової моделі публічної влади на субрегіональному рівні в умовах децентралізації. Здійснено аналіз організаційно-правових засад функціонування існуючої системи державних органів та органів місцевого самоврядування, котрі функціонують на районному рівні. Виокремлені основні недоліки існуючої моделі публічної адміністрації, констатується її невідповідність не лише новому територіальному устрою субрегіонального і базового рівнів, а й викликам, що постали перед нашою країною. Констатується, що у нових політичних та економічних умовах, у зв'язку з викликами, у першу чергу безпекового характеру, пов'язаних з реальною військовою агресією Російської Федерації проти України та іншими потенційними загрозами суверенітету, національній безпеці та територіальній цілісності, а також в умовах переходу фактично всіх функцій місцевого самоврядування на рівень територіальних громад, а відповідно, переходу об'єктів управління і бюджетних призначень на базовий рівень, функціонал публічної адміністрації субрегіонального рівня потребує суттєвої корекції. У зв'язку з цим, Концепція реформування місцевого самоврядування та територіальної організації влади в Україні 2014 р., покладена в основу децентралізаційної реформи, потребує суттєвого перегляду в частині організації публічної влади. Розглянуто зарубіжні моделі публічної адміністрації субрегіонального рівня, зокрема Польщі, Франції, Німеччини. Зарубіжна практика та вітчизняний досвід дали підстави автору зробити висновок, що, зважаючи на нові виклики для України, має суттєво змінитися парадигма публічної адміністрації субрегіонального рівня, що передбачає перехід від самоврядної моделі району до адміністративної, за якої основною місією новоствореного району має стати реалізація державної політики на відповідній території субрегіону

Education Reference Guide: Private & Public Funding; Contents; Introduction; Financial Aspects / Budget Processes; Public Education Finance; Grants & Private Funding; Education & the Economy; Poverty Reduction Strategies; Tuition-Free College; School Vouchers; Land-Grant Universities; The Rhodes Scholarship; Government Assistance for Teacher Education.

A survey of the Crown Agents during a turbulent and eventful period. Britain's Crown Agents' Office is a unique development agency. Until the early 1960s, its clients were colonial governments, and, thereafter, the administrations of dependencies and newly independent countries. As well as purchasing a large proportion of its customers' imports, it provided them with finance and managed their investments. It was thus one of the largest buyers of goods in the UK, and, after, the Bank of England, the country's biggest financial institution. This book, the sequel to the author's 'Managing the British Empire: The Crown Agents, 1833 -1914' (Boydell, 2004), examines the Agents' various development roles, including the disastrous venture into secondary banking in 1967 which collapsed in 1974, then the largest bankruptcy in British financial history. The book contributes to a number of current debates in development studies, adds to our understanding of the London financial market and the competitiveness of British industry, and shows how present day aid agencies can learn much from the arrangements of the past

Kuatnya arus demokratisasi sangat berpengaruh terhadap tuntutan good governance dalam tata kelola pemerintahan. Salah satu segi positif dari tuntutan tersebut adalah dengan telah diadopsinya prinsip akuntabilitas dalam Undang-Undang Perlindungan dan Pengelolaan Lingkungan Hidup bagi pejabat atas tindakan mal-administratif dalam penerbitan izin di bidang lingkungan. Atas dasar prinsip ini warga masyarakat yang menjadi korban pencemaran dan/atau perusakan lingkungan dapat mempersoalkan legalitas perizinan dan sekaligus meminta pertanggungjawaban hukum (pidana) kepada pejabat atas kerugian yang dideritanya.The democratic strengthen is very influencing to the demand of good governance in managing the government. One of the positive demand is it has been adopted the principle of accountability of the constitution of protection and management of environment for official functionary on the act of mal administration in establishing permit of environment field, Based on the principle community who become sacrifice of pollution of environment can appeal the legal permit and the responsibility of criminal case towards the official functionary of disadvantages they have got.

Following major reforms between 1982 and 1986, the local government system continued to develop with successive touches on the helm, but with no strong guiding hand. Apart from an energy policy encouraging intermunicipal co-operation, which met with considerable success over a short time, regional structures and competencies barely changed. Modernization of local administration made patchy progress. Certain major reforms were successfully introduced (local accounting, laws governing public tenders, public service delegation contracts, local authority regulations, etc.), but others languished. The general system of controls remains almost unchanged but benefits from regular increases in the powers of judges, thanks largely to general laws (reform of emergency procedures before administrative judges). However, the modernization project is generating new problems that need to be resolved.

How street-level organizations enforce regulations carries important governance implications. Through reviewing the regulatory enforcement literature and categorizing it into three broad governance modes, this article discusses the individual and organizational capacity prerequisites for street-level organizations to enact the corresponding government–society relationship and improve governance outcomes. Through analyzing enforcement challenges faced by street-level officers in Beijing's recent food safety reform, the article also identifies the essential capacities for street-level organizations to regulate under a legal-hierarchical governance mode. The article hopes to inspire further research to uncover specific governance capacity requirements for other administrative organizations under different governance modes.Points for practitionersApart from policy effectiveness, government regulators should also sometimes pay attention to their impacts on governance. Despite frontline regulators' discretion, street-level organizations may improve governance outcomes by devising and implementing regulatory enforcement programs and strategies in line with the governance mode the government is engaged in as what they do enacts the specific government–society relationship in the governing process. Administrators in charge of street-level organizations may benefit from cultivating capacities essential to actualizing the respective governance mode. Absence of these capacities is likely to undermine governance effectiveness.

Experts suggest that when faced with fiscal stress public managers can engage in three coping practices: an actual cutback in services, expansion of existing financial resources, or reduction in work force. During the Great Recession (2007–2012), US subnational governments utilized all three of these practices. The purpose of this article is to identify coping mechanisms used by state and local governments to respond to the Great Recession, and identify approaches to minimize the negative and disproportionate impact of these actions on women, minorities, and the economically disadvantaged. The authors provide specific examples of tactics employed by US subnational governments in response to fiscal stress and evaluate the equity of their consequences on the distribution of goods and services. A review of the concept of social equity, its related literature, and an analysis of the disparate impact of coping practices on underrepresented groups is provided. Finally, the article presents mitigating strategies in order to reduce the regressive impact of these coping practices on the vulnerable populations.Points for practitionersThis article identifies 'coping' strategies used by US Subnational Governments in response to the Global Recession. It presents the inequities caused by these responses and suggests some 'mitigating' strategies to reduce the regressive impact on the disadvantaged.

The G20 is an evolving international institution. Aided by both advances in information technology and support from home governments, a number of knowledge actors and networks seek to influence global economic governance with policy analysis and advice. This article assesses the international G20 think tank network called Think20 and the policy advocacy of private research institutes (such the Lowy Institute in Australia and the Centre for International Governance and Innovation in Canada) which are in the orbit of the G20 policy community. Think20 assists the global economic governance processes of the G20 by developing 'coordinative discourses' for policy development and implementation. Points for practitioners Ideas matter but ideas that imply major policy reform and innovation need to be made to matter if they are to direct government action. Networks provide one mechanism to broadcast and disseminate 'communicative discourses' to many different publics – local as well as global – and the infrastructure to crystalize and amplify 'coordinative discourses' underpinning the policy blueprints and reform proposals of governments that must motivate their own bureaucracies as well as collaborate with foreign government. This article discusses some of the network tools and practices for consensus building in 'transnational policy communities' that cultivate global policy coordination.