Suchergebnisse

Extradition — Treaties — Limits on extradition — Extradition Treaty between Czech Republic and Republic of Moldova — European Convention on Extradition, 1957 — Czech Republic seeking to extradite Moldovan complainant to Moldova — Whether substantial grounds for believing complainant at risk of torture if extradited — Whether extradition would violate Article 3 of European Convention on Human Rights, 1950Human rights — Prohibition of torture — Whether complainant at risk of torture if extradited to Moldova — Human rights treaties — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 3 — Case law of European Court of Human Rights — Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984 — Whether obligations under human rights treaties having priority over obligations under extradition treatiesTreaties — Human rights treaties — Extradition treaties — Obligations under treaties — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 3 — Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Czech Republic, 1992, Article 7(2) — European Convention on Extradition, 1957 — Extradition Treaty between Czech Republic and Moldova — Whether obligations under human rights treaties or obligations under extradition treaties having priority in event of conflictRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — Human rights treaties — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 3 — Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Czech Republic, 1992, Article 7(2) — Extradition treaties — European Convention on Extradition, 1957 — Extradition Treaty between Czech Republic and Moldova — Obligations under human rights treaties — Obligations under extradition treaties — Priority of obligations in event of conflict — Article 1(1) of Constitution of Czech Republic — Governance of State by rule of law — Amendment to Constitution — Whether altering status of human rights agreements as special group of norms — The law of the Czech Republic

Increasingly today nation-states are entering into agreements that involve the sharing or surrendering of parts of their sovereign powers and often leave the cession of authority incomplete or vague. But until now, we have known surprisingly little about how international actors design and implement these mixed-sovereignty arrangements. Contracting States uses the concept of "incomplete contracts"--Agreements that are intentionally ambiguous and subject to future renegotiation--to explain how states divide and transfer their sovereign territory and functions, and demonstrate why some of these arrangements offer stable and lasting solutions while others ultimately collapse. Building on important advances in economics and law, Alexander Cooley and Hendrik Spruyt develop a highly original, interdisciplinary approach and apply it to a broad range of cases involving international sovereign political integration and disintegration. The authors reveal the importance of incomplete contracting in the decolonization of territories once held by Europe and the Soviet Union; U.S. overseas military basing agreements with host countries; and in regional economic-integration agreements such as the European Union. Cooley and Spruyt examine contemporary problems such as the Arab-Israeli dispute over water resources, and show why the international community inadequately prepared for Kosovo's independence. Contracting States provides guidance to international policymakers about how states with equally legitimate claims on the same territory or asset can create flexible, durable solutions and avoid violent conflict

International issues are not usually seen as having been significant to the 1964 general election result. Harold Wilson made only limited references to foreign policy and defence during the campaign, while opinion polls showed that voters saw domestic questions as being far more important. Traditionally, international issues have had only a limited impact upon British general elections. But the 1964 election was one of the most closely run in history and this article argues that, interpreted broadly, international questions did have a real effect on the contest. The sitting prime minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home focused on the future of the nuclear deterrent for much of the campaign, while considerations about the country's relative decline in the world, reflected in chronic balance of payment problems, helped Labour's case that it was 'time for a change' at the top. Besides, the mid-1960s was a significant point for the country's global position: the post-war policy of 'three circles'—in which Britain played a major role in Europe, maintained a global empire and influenced US policy via the 'special relationship'—was being called into question. The question deserves to be asked, therefore, why there was not a more intense debate between the political leaders about Britain's international role.

Bd. 1: ca. 200 S. - getr. pag.; Bd. 2: ca. 200 S. - getr. pag

Das Problem der Gewaltausstrahlung im Tschetschenienkonflikt ist nach dem 'Weg zur politischen Lösung', den die russische Regierung im Jahr 2003 eingeschlagen hat, eher größer als kleiner geworden. In seinen Hauptpunkten, vor allem mit der forcierten Wahl des bisherigen Verwaltungsleiters Kadyrow zum tschetschenischen Präsidenten, erwies sich dieser Weg als Scheinlösung. Rußland definiert den Konflikt weiterhin als seine innerstaatliche Angelegenheit und weist jeglichen Ansatz zur Internationalisierung zurück. Dabei greift Gewalt mehr als zuvor über die Grenzen der nordkaukasischen Teilrepublik hinaus. Zwar steht dieser Konfliktfall mit seinem Potential für regionale Eskalation hinter Konfliktherden wie Palästina, Afghanistan, Irak und Kaschmir zurück. Aber die Vorstellung, er sei als ein innerstaatliches Problem Rußlands 'eingekapselt', ist ein Irrtum. Die Studie stellt dar, warum die Situation in Tschetschenien die internationale Politik über humanitäre Belange hinaus angeht, und setzt sich mit der im Jahr 2003 praktizierten Tschetschenienpolitik des Kreml sowie mit westlicher Rußlandpolitik in Hinsicht auf Tschetschenien auseinander.

The global digital network has become the backbone of the world economy and a significant new venue for attack, but there has been little progress in negotiation or dialogue in the broader context of international security. The secure use of cyberspace has become a vital national interest of all states. As a result, states believe that malicious activity in cyberspace creates real risk to their security and they fear that, through misperception or miscalculation, such malicious actions could trigger damaging military conflict. This creates strong international pressure for multilateral agreement, but the discussion is at a very early stage. Adapted from the source document.

Peace processes and international order are interdependent: while the latter provides the normative framework for the former, peacemaking tools and their underlying ideology also maintain international order. They indicate its viability and legitimacy partly by meeting local claims as well as though the maintenance of geopolitical balances. In the emerging multipolar order, the international peace architecture (IPA), dominated by the liberal international order (LIO), is contested through counter-peace processes. These processes contest the nature of the state, state-society relations and increasingly international order itself. This paper investigates the tactics and strategies of regional actors and great powers, where they engage in peace and order related activities or interventions. Given the weakness and inconsistency of the IPA and the LIO, such contestation leads to challenges to international order itself, often at the expense of the claims of social movements and civil society networks.

During the 1990s international policy highlighted the psychological effect of war on populations and promoted psychosocial programmes to facilitate psychological healing. The rapid rise of concern for war trauma is influenced by the contemporary Anglo-American therapeutic ethos, which analyses political, economic and social issues in terms of cycles of emotional dysfunctions. The article critically examines the development of an international therapeutic paradigm. The article contends that international therapeutic governance pathologizes war-affected populations as psychologically dysfunctional and lacking the capacity for self-government without extensive external empowerment. Yet international therapeutic governance may actually inhibit post-war recovery even as its model of therapeutic justice and development seeks that populations lower their expectations of the peace and curb their aspirations.

In The Realities of the International Criminal Justice System, Rothe, Meernik, and Ingadottir bring together expert scholars from the disciplines of law, criminology, sociology and political science to critically analyze the current state of and impact of the international criminal justice system. Through a systematic evaluation of the existing courts and their effects in the real world on states, victims, and offenders, and their impact on the development of the law related to their jurisdictions, both on the international and national level, the authors hope that lessons can be drawn for a more promising future delivery of criminal justice by international and domestic judicial bodies. [From Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/sociology_criminaljustice_books/1021/thumbnail.jpg