Suchergebnisse

Der Begriff der Lebenswelt ist im Diskurs der Sozialen Arbeit inzwischen ebenso geläufig wie die Forderung nach der Orientierung an eben dieser Lebenswelt. Der geradezu inflationäre Gebrauch des Begriffes geht jedoch mit einer nicht eben geringen begrifflichen "Unschärfe", um nicht zu sagen Beliebigkeit einher. Angesichts dessen, erscheint schon alleine aus Gründen der innerdisziplinären Verständigung eine Präzisierung des Begriffs der Lebenswelt geboten. Hierzu soll der Artikel einen Beitrag leisten. Gleichwohl dabei zwar auch die phänomenologischen Wurzeln des Lebensweltbegriffes in den Blick genommen werden, liegt der Fokus vor allem auf einer systemisch-konstruktivistische Begriffsbestimmung.
Hierzu wird, ausgehend von der Relevanz des Lebensweltkonzeptes, zunächst die phänomenologische Herkunft des Lebensweltbegriffes zumindest skizziert. Daran anknüpfend wird eine systemisch-konstruktivistische Reformulierung des Lebensweltbegriffes vorgeschlagen, der die Begriffe Lebenswelt und Lebenslage unterscheidet und deren Verhältnis bestimmt.

In unserem Beitrag werden drei Studien beschrieben und unter dem Gesichtspunkt von Macht-Dynamiken beleuchtet, die durch die im Forschungsprozess wirksamen subjektiven Positionen von Forschenden und Forschungsteilnehmer(inne)n hervorgebracht werden. Der hierbei verwandte reflexive Ansatz ist durch poststrukturalistische Kritiken an einem Reflexivitätsbegriff inspiriert, der wahrheitsgemäße Repräsentationen des Forschungsprozesses und diesen gestaltende stabile und einzigartige Autor(inn)en unterstellt. Hier werden Subjektivität und Macht demgegenüber mit Hilfe der Verwendung unterschiedlicher narrativer Stile ausgelotet, um den widersprüchlichen und fragmentierten Charakter von Reflexivität als eine Neukonstruktion von (vergangener) Wirklichkeit darstellen zu können. In der ersten Studie, die sich mit der Erfahrung von Wut bei Frauen befasst, beschreibt eine Forscherin ihren Versuch, die Teilnehmerinnen der Studie in die Analyse einzubeziehen, um das eigene Verständnis der Daten zu verbessern. Ausgehend von einem Verständnis von Reflexivität als Introspektion und Kollaboration schildert eine einzelne Erzählerin die Geschichte ihre konflikthaften subjektiven Position als feministische Forscherin, d.h. als Feministin und Forscherin. In der zweiten Studie interviewte eine Forscherin berufstätige Männer zum Thema zwischengeschlechtlicher Beziehungen. Diese Forscherin entwickelt – ausgehend von einem Verständnis von Reflexivität als sozialer Kritik – eine dialogische Untersuchung in Form von "Mehrstimmigkeit". Ihre Aufmerksamkeit gilt im Besonderen eigenen subjektiven Positionen, die aus Identitätsaspekten folgen, die mit ihrer Geschlechtsrolle und ihrer Forscherinnenrolle verknüpft sind. In der dritten Studie schließlich wird Reflexivität als diskursive Dekonstruktion verstanden und ein Ansatz nicht-dialogischer "Mehrstimmigkeit" verwandt, um den multiplen und widersprüchlichen Charakter reflexiven Verstehens nachzuvollziehen, der mit aus Forschungserfahrung, Nationalität und Mutterschaft sich ergebenden subjektiven Positionen zusammenhängt. Bei der Untersuchung der Beziehungen zwischen Forscherinnen und Forschungsteilnehmer(inne)n, die dadurch ermöglicht oder verhindert wurden, dass die Forscherinnen ihre subjektive Rolle als "Forschende" einnahmen, entstanden durch die Verwendung von drei verschiedenen Auffassungsweisen von Reflexivität mit entsprechend unterschiedlichen Erzähl-Stilen neue Verstehensmöglichkeiten von Subjektivität und Macht.

Research on modernity in architecture. The first volume provides a detailed historical analysis of the models and related architectural movements: breaks are identified and the concept of modernity has evolved. The second part is a study of the constructive determination of modernist ideology. The change of scale is treated as a sign of modern architecture. Many examples are offered, including on the international architecture of the 1930s. ; Recherche sur la modernité en architecture. Le premier tome propose une analyse historique détaillée des modèles et des mouvements d'architecture qui s'y rapportent : sont repérées les ruptures, et l'évolution du concept de modernité est suivie. Le deuxième tome est une étude de la détermination constructive à laquelle obéit l'idéologie moderniste. Il est traité du changement d'échelle comme signe de l'architecture moderne. De nombreuses illustration sont proposées, notamment sur l'architecture internationale des années trente.

It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence

It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence

It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence

The article is devoted to the study of the experience of using aesthetic tools in the formation of national groups. The object of the research is the state anthems, as a concentrated manifestation of the self-interpretation of the political community. The methodology of this article is based on constructivism, which interprets nations as imaginary communities and focuses the attention of the researcher on the practice of using soft technologies of collective integration. It`s addressed to the problem of using literary texts in the processes of collective integration made it possible to include not only representatives of political, but also creative elites in the list of subjects of social engineering. It has been proved that the political significance of the national anthem is manifested through "texts` violence". It`s the ability of the ruling circles to transmit group values to the subordinate array, which is achieved due to the legislative consolidation of a generally binding status for a certain text and due to the aesthetic impact on the consciousness of members of the community. The research methodology is presented by the using the procedures of the comparative method. It was carried out in such clusters as: justification of the right to exist (source of legitimation), "We are the image" of the commonality, common heroes, imaginary geography. It was achieved the identification of statistical patterns and features of the studied text arrays with analytical procedures for critical content analysis of the national anthems of European states. The results of the study confirmed the effectiveness of the procedures and tools of social engineering as one of the scenarios for the creation of national collectives in the European cultural area, substantiated the expediency of using the approved methodology to identify the cultural means of the nation-building process within the borders of Europe, and revealed the prospects of its application in relation to countries of the non-European cultural area. ; Статья посвящена исследованию опыта использования эстетического инструментария в формировании национальных коллективов. Объектом исследования выступают государственные гимны, как концентрированное проявление самоинтерпретации политического сообщества. Основой методологи данной статьи выступает конструктивизм, интерпретирующий нации в качестве воображаемых общностей и акцентирующий внимание исследователя на практике использования мягких технологий коллективной интеграции. Обращение к проблематике использования художественных текстов в процессах коллективной интеграции позволило включить в перечень субъектов социального инжиниринга не только представителей политических, но и творческих элит. Доказано, что политическое значение национального гимна проявляется через «текстовое насилие» - способность правящих кругов транслировать на подвластных массив групповых ценностей, что достигается благодаря законодательному закреплению за определённым текстом общеобязательного статуса и за счёт эстетического воздействия на сознание членов общности. Методика исследования представлена использованием процедур компаративного метода, осуществляемого по таким кластерам, как: оправдание права на существование (источник легитимации), «Мы-образ» общности, общие герои, воображаемая география. Выявление статистических закономерностей и особенностей исследуемых текстовых массивов достигалось за счет аналитических процедур критического контент-анализа национальных гимнов европейских государств. Результаты исследования подтвердили эффективность процедур и инструментов социального инжиниринга как одного из сценариев создания национальных коллективов в европейском культурном ареале, обосновали целесообразность использования апробированной методики для выявления культурных средств процесса национального строительства в границах Европы, выявили перспективность её применения по отношению к странам неевропейского культурного ареала. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню європейського досвіду використання естетичного інструментарію формування національних колективів. Об'єктом дослідження виступають національні гімни, як концентрований прояв самоінтерпретації конкретної політичної спільноти, обґрунтування легітимності її існування, визначення мети колективної дії. Основою методології даної статті є конструктивізм, який інтерпретує нації як різновид уявлених спільнот та акцентує увагу дослідника на практиці застосування адміністративних та м'яких технологій колективної інтеграції. Міждисциплінарність дослідження досягається через використання теоретичних постулатів політології, культурології, соціальної психології, політичної естетики тощо. Методика дослідження представлена застосуванням компаративного методу, здійснюваного за такими кластерами, як: виправдання права на існування (джерело легітимації), «ми-образ» спільноти, спільні герої, уявна географія, що містяться в текстах державних гімнів. Виявлення статистичних особливостей досліджуваних текстових масивів здійснювалося за рахунок аналітичних процедур критичного контент-аналізу національних гімнів європейських країн. Доведено, що політична значущість національного гімну проявляється через «текстове насильство» - здатність правлячих кіл транслювати на підлеглих узгоджений масив групових цінностей, інтерпретацій минулого, образів майбутнього, що досягається не лише через застосування суто адміністративних технологій (законодавче закріплення за певним текстом загальнообов'язкового статусу), але й за рахунок естетичного впливу на свідомість членів спільноти (мелодика та експресія вірша, творення емоційного малюнку завдяки музичному супроводу, ефекту наслідування в межах колективної дії). Включення гімну до комплексу національних ритуалів спільноти підвищує ефективність процесу управління колективними образами з боку правлячої еліти, забезпечує парольну функцію групо утворення, сприяє пролонгації існування нації під час зміни поколінь. Результати дослідження підтвердили вагому роль соціального інжинірингу як одного зі сценаріїв творення національних колективів в європейському культурному ареалі, дозволили обґрунтувати доцільність використання апробованої методики для виявлення культурних засобів процесу націєтворення в межах Європи, виявили перспективність її застосування по відношенню до країн неєвропейського культурного ареалу

Summary. The purpose of the article is to investigate the process of formation of medical personnel of the Podillia region in the postwar period. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematization, scientificity, verification, authorial objectivity, moderate narrative constructivism, as well as on the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty is that for the first time the peculiarities of the formation of medical staff of the Podillia region in the postwar period are studied, as well as the role of local medical schools in the training of highly qualified medical workers. Also, the author of the article for the first time introduces into scientific circulation a number of archival materials. Conclusions. Thus, the Podillia region is one of the regions of Ukraine that suffered the most from the Nazi occupation. All this had a negative impact on its industrial potential and demographic situation. The medical sphere of Podillya was especially affected. In the post-war period, the health care sector of the region was rapidly restored. An extremely positive result of changes in the post-war medical sphere of the Podillya regions was the spread of specialized medical care in rural areas, the association of hospitals and outpatient clinics in rural district centers made it possible to introduce specialization of medical staff in certain specialties substituting general practitioners. However, it was not enough to restore the full functioning of the medical sector in the region. At that time, the Podillia region faced an acute shortage of medical workers: doctors, paramedics, nurses, etc. During the second half of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, the problem of forming qualified medical staff for medical educational institutions in the region was generally solved. We should note here the huge post-war labor enthusiasm of the inhabitants of the Podillia region, thanks to which it was possible to solve the shortage of medical personnel in the region within the shortest possible time. Among medical institutions, a special place is occupied by the Vinnytsia Medical Institute, which, thanks to the efforts of both faculty and students, has become not only a powerful educational alley of the research institution of Podillia. All this in general contributed to the training of highly qualified medical personnel. As for the policy of the Soviet government in this area, to encourage the success of students in education and work, it used the so-called extra-economic factors, the most common of which was the organization of socialist competitions both between medical schools and within them between student groups, faculties, etc. ; Анотація. Мета статті – дослідити процес формування медичних кадрів Подільського регіону у післявоєнний період. Методологія дослідження ґрунтується на принципах історизму, системності, науковості, верифікації, авторської об'єктивності, поміркованого наративного конструктивізму, а також на використанні загальнонаукових (аналіз, синтез, узагальнення) та спеціально-історичних (історико-генетичний, історико-типологічний, історико-системний) методів. Наукова новизна полягає у тому, що вперше досліджуються особливості формування медичного персоналу Подільського регіону у післявоєнний період, а також відзначена роль місцевих медичних навчальних закладів у процесі підготовки висококваліфікованих працівників медичної сфери. Також авторка статті вперше вводить до наукового обігу низку архівних матеріалів. Висновки. Таким чином, Подільський край належить до числа регіонів України, які найбільше постраждали від німецько-фашистської окупації. Усе це негативно відобразилося на його як промисловому потенціалі, так і демографічній ситуації. Особливо постраждала медична сфера Поділля. У післявоєнний період швидкими темпами відновлювалася сфера охорони здоров'я краю. Надзвичайно позитивним результатом змін у післявоєнній медичній сфері областей Поділля стало поширення спеціалізованої медичної допомоги на селі. Замість загального лікаря для лікування усіх захворювань, об'єднання лікарень і амбулаторій у сільських райцентрах вдалося здійснити спеціалізацію медичного персоналу на окремі спеціальності.Однак цих результатів для відновлення повноцінного функціонування медичної сфери регіону було замало. У той час Подільський регіон зіштовхнувся з гострою нестачею медичних працівників: лікарів, фельдшерів, медсестер тощо.Протягом другої половини 40 – початку 50-х рр. ХХ ст., загалом була подолана проблема формування кваліфікованого медичного персоналу для медичних навчальних закладів регіону. Тут слід відзначити величезний післявоєнний трудовий ентузіазм мешканців Подільського краю, завдяки якому вдалося у короткі терміни розв᾿язати питання дефіциту медичних кадрів. Серед медичних закладів особливе місце займає Вінницький медичний інститут, який завдяки зусиллям як професорсько-викладацького складу, так і студентів перетворився не лише на потужну навчальну, але й науково-дослідну установу Поділля. Усе це загалом сприяло підготовці висококваліфікованих медичних кадрів. Стосовно політики радянської влади у цій сфері, то для заохочення успіхів студентства у навчанні та трудовій діяльності, нею застосовувалися т. зв. позаекономічні чинники, найпоширенішим з яких була організація соціалістичних змагань як між медичними навчальними закладами, так і у внутрі них між студентськими групами, факультетами тощо.

Summary. The purpose of the article is to investigate the process of formation of medical personnel of the Podillia region in the postwar period. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematization, scientificity, verification, authorial objectivity, moderate narrative constructivism, as well as on the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty is that for the first time the peculiarities of the formation of medical staff of the Podillia region in the postwar period are studied, as well as the role of local medical schools in the training of highly qualified medical workers. Also, the author of the article for the first time introduces into scientific circulation a number of archival materials. Conclusions. Thus, the Podillia region is one of the regions of Ukraine that suffered the most from the Nazi occupation. All this had a negative impact on its industrial potential and demographic situation. The medical sphere of Podillya was especially affected. In the post-war period, the health care sector of the region was rapidly restored. An extremely positive result of changes in the post-war medical sphere of the Podillya regions was the spread of specialized medical care in rural areas, the association of hospitals and outpatient clinics in rural district centers made it possible to introduce specialization of medical staff in certain specialties substituting general practitioners. However, it was not enough to restore the full functioning of the medical sector in the region. At that time, the Podillia region faced an acute shortage of medical workers: doctors, paramedics, nurses, etc. During the second half of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, the problem of forming qualified medical staff for medical educational institutions in the region was generally solved. We should note here the huge post-war labor enthusiasm of the inhabitants of the Podillia region, thanks to which it was possible to solve the shortage of medical personnel in the region within the shortest possible time. Among medical institutions, a special place is occupied by the Vinnytsia Medical Institute, which, thanks to the efforts of both faculty and students, has become not only a powerful educational alley of the research institution of Podillia. All this in general contributed to the training of highly qualified medical personnel. As for the policy of the Soviet government in this area, to encourage the success of students in education and work, it used the so-called extra-economic factors, the most common of which was the organization of socialist competitions both between medical schools and within them between student groups, faculties, etc. ; Анотація. Мета статті – дослідити процес формування медичних кадрів Подільського регіону у післявоєнний період. Методологія дослідження ґрунтується на принципах історизму, системності, науковості, верифікації, авторської об'єктивності, поміркованого наративного конструктивізму, а також на використанні загальнонаукових (аналіз, синтез, узагальнення) та спеціально-історичних (історико-генетичний, історико-типологічний, історико-системний) методів. Наукова новизна полягає у тому, що вперше досліджуються особливості формування медичного персоналу Подільського регіону у післявоєнний період, а також відзначена роль місцевих медичних навчальних закладів у процесі підготовки висококваліфікованих працівників медичної сфери. Також авторка статті вперше вводить до наукового обігу низку архівних матеріалів. Висновки. Таким чином, Подільський край належить до числа регіонів України, які найбільше постраждали від німецько-фашистської окупації. Усе це негативно відобразилося на його як промисловому потенціалі, так і демографічній ситуації. Особливо постраждала медична сфера Поділля. У післявоєнний період швидкими темпами відновлювалася сфера охорони здоров'я краю. Надзвичайно позитивним результатом змін у післявоєнній медичній сфері областей Поділля стало поширення спеціалізованої медичної допомоги на селі. Замість загального лікаря для лікування усіх захворювань, об'єднання лікарень і амбулаторій у сільських райцентрах вдалося здійснити спеціалізацію медичного персоналу на окремі спеціальності.Однак цих результатів для відновлення повноцінного функціонування медичної сфери регіону було замало. У той час Подільський регіон зіштовхнувся з гострою нестачею медичних працівників: лікарів, фельдшерів, медсестер тощо.Протягом другої половини 40 – початку 50-х рр. ХХ ст., загалом була подолана проблема формування кваліфікованого медичного персоналу для медичних навчальних закладів регіону. Тут слід відзначити величезний післявоєнний трудовий ентузіазм мешканців Подільського краю, завдяки якому вдалося у короткі терміни розв᾿язати питання дефіциту медичних кадрів. Серед медичних закладів особливе місце займає Вінницький медичний інститут, який завдяки зусиллям як професорсько-викладацького складу, так і студентів перетворився не лише на потужну навчальну, але й науково-дослідну установу Поділля. Усе це загалом сприяло підготовці висококваліфікованих медичних кадрів. Стосовно політики радянської влади у цій сфері, то для заохочення успіхів студентства у навчанні та трудовій діяльності, нею застосовувалися т. зв. позаекономічні чинники, найпоширенішим з яких була організація соціалістичних змагань як між медичними навчальними закладами, так і у внутрі них між студентськими групами, факультетами тощо.