Suchergebnisse

AbstractBesides several themes related to burning issues on the surface of the current discourses in South Korea, this special issue of the AJGES pays attention to the fundamental problems, which are essential to understand the unique character of South Korean society as a divided nation. The in-depth analysis of some fundamental mechanisms is indispensable to develop a long-term strategy dealing with the roots of various problems. A comparison with the history of Germany as a formerly divided country is deemed helpful in order to see the problems from different perspectives and broaden the horizon. The contributions of this Thematic Series were first published in Korean by Dolgebae, Paju in 2015.Neben vielen anderen brennenden Problemen an der Oberfläche derzeitiger Debatten in Südkorea, widmet sich der Schwerpunkt dieser Ausgabe der AJGES einemgrundlegenden Problem, i.e. der einzigartige Charakter der südkoreanischen Gesellschaft als einer geteilten Nation. Die Tiefenanalyse einiger der Mechanismen ist Voraussetzung, um eine langfristige Strategie zur Überwindung der Ursachen der verschiedenen Probleme zu entwickeln. Dabei ist der Vergleich mit einer früher geteilten Nation wie Deutschland zweifelsohne hilfreich, um die Probleme aus einer anderen Perspektive zu sehen und den Horizont zu erweitern. Die Beiträge in dieser thematischen Sektion wurden zuerst auf koreanisch vom Verlag Dolgebae 2015 veröffentlicht.

The article examines some generic traits of the "new" Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN's grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the "new" nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.

Where information is cheap, attention becomes expensive. In today's society, information is increasingly at hand. Today, via Internet, anyone has access to it. In the online environment, news channels are flooded with updates – most of them being takeovers of official Web sites of the institutions involved. Their huge numbers and increased dynamics demolish any attempt to build confidence in the government source. A few decades ago, the citizen had television as the main source of information. Soon after the number of TV channels has increased, was observed a decrease regarding the television consumer's confidence in the information provided this way. Before that, the newspaper and the radio went through similar stages. Today Internet is facing it. This paper proposes the realization of a conceptual framework for online delivery of information from the public environment to the citizens, businesses and other government institutions – as part of a success model regarding the public administration's communication with the environment it addresses to.
Keywords: web platform, new media, information delivery channel

Problems faced by the society in Lambanan village are the lack of knowledge and skills of farmers in managing the maintenance goat, the unability of utilizing and processing goat milk and most societies work as goat breeder and farmer. Purpose of this community dedication is to provide skills and the knowledge for the farmers in the Lambanan village about techniques and milking ways as well as handling and processing milk of goat. Method used is partisipative elucidation followed by demonstration and practice. Te training activities which are conducted on 25—26 June 2016 in main hall of Lambanan village ofce, began with in-class learning about maintenance management, handling, processing and marketing management the goat of PE, then followed by demonstrating outside about technique of milking and processing milk of goat pasteurization. Te products of pasteurized goat milk were packaged in glass that was commercialized with label Suke. Te conclusion of this activity shows that the training activities looked very enthusiastic to join this training and actively ask about goat milk processing.

A great deal has been written in the International Relations literature about the role of resilience in our social world. One of the central debates in the scholarship concerns the relationship between resilience and resistance, which several scholars consider to be one of mutual exclusivity. For many theorists, an individual or a society can either be resilient or resistant, but not both. In this article, we argue that this understanding of the resilience–resistance connection suffers from three interrelated problems: it treats resilience and resistance as binary concepts rather than processes; it presents a simplistic conception of resilient subjects as apolitical subjects; and it eschews the 'transformability' aspect of resilience. In a bid to resolve these issues, the article advocates for the usefulness of a relational approach to the processes of resilience and resistance, and suggests an approach that understands resilience and resistance as engaged in mutual assistance rather than mutual exclusion. The case of the Palestinian national liberation movement illustrates our set of arguments.

Through this interview-based study with 40 respondents in the United States we have outlined enablers of career transitions and sustainable careers for professionals who have experienced severe hearing loss as adults. To sustain careers after adult onset disability, respondents engaged in a quest for meaning and big picture answers to 'who am I?' and 'am I still successful?' This included redefining themselves – e.g. I am now both a person with a disability (disability identity) and a successful professional (professional identity) – and career success (e.g. now I care about service to society as much as I care about material artifacts). Respondents also adopted new work roles where disability was a key to success (e.g. becoming an equal employment officer) and utilized social networks to continue being successful. Such redefining of work and networks supported the aforesaid quest for meaning and big picture answers. Findings not only indicate how individuals experience career success after a life-changing event but also help defamiliarize extant notions of ableism in workplace contexts.

The most important reasons of the appearance of new literary movements in the Arabic countries can be the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the dispatch of students and the people's emigration to Europe, the establishment of printing, newspaper and magazine industry.In fact, the 19th century is the age of awakening of Arabic countries and their relationships with European countries. Meanwhile, thinkers such as Ahmad Fars Shadiaq have attempted more for opening the west civilization gates and advancement of the goals of this movement. In this era, the civilization gates were more opened to all groups living in the society and the cause of dehiscence of potential talents in Arabic countries was provided and it internalized the backgrounds of development, promotion and civil amendments of these countries.In the present study, the attempts have been made to investigate the shut-in-personality of Ahmad Fars Shadiiaq and the reflection of west culture in his works regarding the individual freedoms, social justice and women.

This article locates social media management literature in relation to broader shifts in management ideology. While studies of recent management ideology have highlighted its emphasis on the participation and autonomy of labor, they have largely failed to address how similar discourses have developed with respect to the informal 'digital labor' of social media users. I argue that the 'new spirit of capitalism' has spread from the formal workplace to the internet, and from the employee to the user. More specifically, I carry out a thematic analysis of 'Web 2.0 manifestoes' that finds them to be animated by three central 'frames': (a) user participation; (b) the pooling together of the contributions arising from that participation via the network; and (c) the resulting transformation of business and society. I conclude by pointing to the persistence of these sorts of 'normative' managerial discourses around social media, even with the recent prevalence of more 'rational' data-centered discourses.

In research on China's state-controlled elections, whether pro-democratic and politically efficacious citizens vote or abstain more has dominated the debate. Analyzing an up-to-date data set, we find class status and citizens' institutional environment command overwhelming power in determining voter turnout, while psychological and motivational variables show no significant impacts. Specifically, members of the middle class employed in the state sector are more likely to vote than other social groups, while their counterparts in the private and foreign sectors are far less inclined to vote. While in general, citizens show relatively high level of support for the regime, except among the state-employed middle class, this support is not translated into a higher turnout rate. Electoral behaviors of Chinese citizens, therefore, are heavily conditioned by an individual social group's particular relation with the state. Members of the Communist Party turn out to vote no more than other members of the society, revealing a critical institutional failure the system faces.

This article explores positivist universalism, one of the central aspects of contemporary approaches in political theory, through the study of the Young Turks' political thought. Current scholarship portrays the Young Turks as champions of a national cause, limited to overthrowing despotism and relaunching the Constitution of 1876 in the Ottoman Empire. This neglects their broader aim to guarantee peace, order, and progress, both at home and abroad, by adopting Comtean universal positivism, and it distorts their vision of society, politics, and history. From their base in Paris the Young Turks challenged the Eurocentric conception of universalism, suggesting a more egalitarian and comprehensive conception that has yet to be recognized. This article shows that, transcending the conventional boundaries between Western and non-Western political thought, the Young Turks' political ideology presents an early example of the formation of a modern, pluralist worldview, and that their core conceptions had a deep impact on the founding of Turkish republicanism.

AbstractThis article explains how old, poor people living with dementia came to be institutionalised in 19th‐century Britain (with a focus on London), and how they were responded to by the people who ran those institutions. The institutions in question are lunatic asylums, workhouses and charitable homes. Old people with dementia were admitted to lunatic asylums, workhouses and charitable homes, but were not welcome there. Using the records of Hanwell lunatic asylum, published texts of psychiatric theory, and the administrative records that all of these institutions generated at local and national levels, this article argues that 'the senile' were a perpetual classificatory residuum in the bureaucracy of 19th‐century health and welfare. They were too weak and unresponsive to adhere to the norms of the asylum regime, yet too challenging in their behaviour to conform to that of the workhouse, or the charitable home. Across all of these institutions, old people with dementia were represented as an intractable burden, many decades before the 'ageing society' became a demographic reality.

Highlighting 'pre', 'trans' and 'new' tribal formations amongst upland Nagas in India's Northeast, this article formulates both a historical critique against dominant categorisations of the region's social landscape and posits alternative ways of 'seeing' local patterns of kinship, identity and belonging. Drawing on ethno-historical perspectives from the Chang and Chakhesang Nagas, I illustrate the problematic cultural transitivity of the idea and idiom of 'tribe' which conceals the social formations that existed—and occasionally persist—before, beneath, betwixt and between categories of 'tribe'. This realisation brings us to a dilemma which, I think, ought to be at the heart of the anthropology of Nagas and of India's Northeast more widely—namely, how to account for the ethnographic observation that social organisation—both past and present—is based on interpersonal, village and clan networks which cut across tribal and ethnic groups with clearly permeable boundaries and yet most people maintain a view of the whole society as made up of partitioned, culturally coherent and historically immutable entities.

For almost 70 years, South Korea has upheld the principle of universal male conscription, and the military has been a potent force in post-war South Korean political, economic, and social development. The role and significance of male conscription and the military establishment in South Korean society have been explored from the perspective of political, social, and gender/post-colonial studies. However, there is a considerable lack of academic research assessing the social meanings behind the highly publicized conduct of male celebrities' negotiating the issue of their compulsory military service, which has turned increasingly into media spectacles since the mid-1990s. This study attempts to provide an insight into the political and social ramifications of such media events by tracing the military service and male celebrity discourse through several major conscription scandals in the South Korean mass media. By simultaneously policing and exploiting the 'sacred' duty to serve, these media scandals reinforce what it means to be a true 'Korean man'.

The issue of caste has long been an important structural cause of poverty in India, with certain groups and communities socially and physically excluded from the benefits of national economic and social development. While differences between groups are often explained at national and state levels, this paper focuses instead on the issue of inter-state caste-specific risks of child poverty and basic needs deprivation. We show that while children from schedule caste and tribe (SC/ST) communities fare poorly at the national level, it need not be so given some states manage to protect SC/ST children, ensuring outcomes for them are on a par or better than for children from higher caste groups. Caste and tribe status need not condemn children to lives of poverty, and this paper identifies for policy makers where caste and tribe status remain important drivers of poverty and disparities for children. Tackling these would be a start for making India a more equitable society in coming decades.