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This special section can be seen as part of a tradition of special issues of International Labor and Working-Class History (ILWCH) and the International Review of Social History (IRSH) that comment on the state of the field of Ottoman labor historiography, describe its achievements and caveats, and set the agenda for future research. The late Donald Quataert, pioneer of Ottoman labor history, started this tradition in 2001, when he edited this journal's special issue Labor History in the Ottoman Middle East, 1700–1922. Touraj Atabaki and Gavin D. Brockett followed in 2009 with their special issue of the IRSH Ottoman and Republican Turkish Labour History. With the current special section we aim to add to this tradition. In the first section of our introduction, we will provide a brief overview of the main conclusions of the first two special issues, and shed some light on what happened after 2009. In the second section, we will discuss what we hope to add: an approach based on the Global Collaboratory on the History of Labour Relations that can help us to reconstruct the development of labor relations in the Ottoman Empire and its successor states. We describe this approach and results of the project worldwide so far. The third section starts with a brief overview of the Ottoman/Turkish Republic branch of the Collaboratory that focuses mainly on Anatolia and its views on sources and methodologies. It will describe the article by Karin Hofmeester and Jan Lucassen in this special section as result of these activities and the articles by Hülya Canbakal and Alpay Filiztekin and İrfan Kovidas and Yahya Araz as results of other projects that link up perfectly with the Collaboratory approach. Special attention will be devoted to the town of Bursa and its hinterland from the sixteenth until the twentieth century, putting the developments in this city in the broader perspective of Ottoman-Anatolian and Turkish labor history.

To say that states are 'actors' or 'persons' is to attribute to them properties we associate first with human beings – rationality, identities, interests, beliefs, and so on. Such attributions pervade social science and International Relations (IR) scholarship in particular. They are found in the work of realists, liberals, institutionalists, Marxists, constructivists, behaviouralists, feminists, postmodernists, international lawyers, and almost everyone in between. To be sure, scholars disagree about which properties of persons should be ascribed to states, how important state persons are relative to other corporate persons like MNCs or NGOs, whether state persons are a good thing, and whether 'failed' states can or should be persons at all. But all this discussion assumes that the idea of state personhood is meaningful and at some fundamental level makes sense. In a field in which almost everything is contested, this seems to be one thing on which almost all of us agree.

In Canada, municipalities are involved in an increasing number of policy areas, but they remain largely absent from the nation's system of intergovernmental relations. Municipal representatives do not attend First Ministers' meetings that gather the Prime Minister and heads of each province and territory. They are also largely excluded from intergovernmental councils or committees focused on specific policy areas. Nor do they participate in the negotiation of most intergovernmental agreements.
This paper explores how Canada's intergovernmental infrastructure could be reformed to include municipalities. It does so through an analysis of how other countries have made space for municipalities in their intergovernmental processes. After drawing five lessons from international experience, the paper concludes with four approaches to reforming intergovernmental relations in Canada: (1) ensure municipalities have the capacity, voice and structures to participate effectively in intergovernmental relations; (2) increase municipal involvement in provincial policy-making, including potentially through co-governed intergovernmental councils; (3) as far as possible, eliminate unfunded mandates(ie responsibilities devolved without adequate funding to discharge them) through, for example, provincial legislation or provincial–municipal intergovernmental agreements that require consultation on the fiscal impacts of draft legislation or regulation on municipalities; (4) strengthen trilateral (national/provincial/municipal) relations, including through location-specific or policy-specific agreements, and trilateral intergovernmental councils.

The authors congratulate the editorial staff of the journal 'International Life' on their fifty-fifth anniversary. They note that the journal is already published in English, and will continue publication in a range of other foreign languages, including Chinese, German and French. The author notes that at the time of its founding the journal tried to repeat the experience of the 1920s, which was characterized by the liberal New Economic Policy. The authors also describe the role of Vyacheslav Molotov, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, in helping to establish the journal after the death of Joseph Stalin. Adapted from the source document.

On a variety of international legal matters, relations between the US and European countries are evolving and even diverging. In an ever-changing world, understanding the reasons for this increasing dichotomy is fundamental and has a profound impact on our understanding of world dynamics and globalization and, ultimately, on our awareness of where the West is going. This interdisciplinary volume proposes new frameworks to understand the differences in approach to international law in the US and Europe. To explain the theoretical and historical underpinnings of the diverging views, the expert essays present new research and develop innovative conclusions. They assess and explore issues such as the idea of sovereignty, constitutional law, the use of force, treaty law and international adjudication. Leading authorities in different disciplines including law and political science, the contributors engage in a new dialogue and develop a new discourse on inter-Atlantic views.

This series of volumes Documents and Studies on 19th c. Monetary History aims to republish the main documents related to the question of bimetallism at the end of the 19th century. The series will include several sub-series devoted to the International Monetary Conferences held in various capitals during the second half of the century andto the specific situation of different countries (i.e. India, Japan, United States of America, China, etc.), since the question of monetary systems was a global question. It will also include specific studies on monetary questions and on monetary history.00The scientific community will thus have access to the enormous collection of statistics, analyses, and discussions, on and around the question of gold and silver coinages. These documents will be useful to specialists of the 19th century but also to all specialists of monetary history and in particular to those studying the question of the ratio between gold and silver and the question of gold or silver standard, which are common to all periods

Pour notre pays (la France), le Pacifique Sud peut prendre une extension plus ou moins grande suivant que les enjeux qu'il represente concernent la France consideree comme puissance europeenne ou comme riveraine d'un Pacifique ou s'agitent les deux superpuissances, mais ou les micro-Etats aussi bien que l'Australie, le Japon ou la Chine, ont aussi des interets. Le plus sur moyen pour la France de garder une place preeminente parmi les nations de la zone Pacifique est de mettre en oeuvre, dans tous les domaines, une politique de corresponsabilite dont elle serait l'artisan principal. Il faut que la France soit consideree, non comme une nation uniquement europeenne et une intruse, soupconnee de desseins colonialistes ou militaristes, mais acceptee comme une nation riveraine et alliee qu'il sera naturel de trouver presente dans le Pacifique Sud. Ce n'est qu'a ce prix quelle pourrait obtenir que les pays du Pacifique Sud, a defaut d'accepter les armes nucleaires, fassent preuve de retenue et de patience dans l'application d'un traite auquel ils tiennent beaucoup. (International Political Science Assoc.)

Les malentendus transatlantiques et la seconde crise de l'énergie, par Robert Lieber
S'efforçant de dépasser la confusion des événements récents et de mieux comprendre les difficultés de la politique internationale de l'énergie, qui troublent sérieusement les relations entre Europe et Etats-Unis, l'article fait d'abord une brève analyse des leçons à tirer de la crise de 1973-1974. Ensuite, il traite le problème actuel en tenant compte de l'affaiblissement généralisé de l'hégémonie américaine, en particulier dans le domaine de l'énergie. Puis il oppose les impératifs d'une collaboration internationale aux données nationales - en Europe et surtout aux Etats-Unis - qui entravent cette coopération. Il analyse ensuite les malentendus graves qui en résultent. Enfin, il évalue les chances d'une coopération future et les facteurs qui peuvent empêcher ou encourager des relations plus constructives entre les pays consommateurs de pétrole.

The First World War gave rise to the emergence of the discipline of international relations, but it was the Second World War and the Cold War that fostered its development. The first global conflict remains a rich reserve of examples and arguments regarding the causes and proceedings of war and peace. However, its central relevance in this discipline is now coming under question with the nuclear revolution, the power of nationalist forces and the new role of terrorism. Adapted from the source document.