Health workforce shortages in developed countries are perceived to be central drivers of health professionals' international migration, one ramification being negative impacts on developing nations' healthcare delivery. After a descriptive international overview, selected economic issues are discussed for developed and developing countries. Health labour markets' unique characteristics imply great complexity in developed economies involving government intervention, licensure, regulation, and (quasi-)union activity. These features affect migrants' decisions, economic integration, and impacts on the receiving nations' health workforce and society. Developing countries sometimes educate citizens in expectation of emigration, while others pursue international treaties in attempts to manage migrant flows.
This article examines the nexus between international crises and civil wars. Based on the premise that not all simultaneous civil and international conflicts are related, the study aims to explore the circumstances in which civil wars affect violent escalation in international crises. The study identifies 'composite' crises – where the civil war is the core issue of the international dispute – as a unique subset of international crises. These crises are distinguished from 'unrelated-civil war' situations, in which the issues in the internal and international conflicts are separate. Using data from the ICB, COW, and UCDP/PRIO datasets, the article tests a dual-conflict argument, positing that interconnected issues and interactions between actors in composite situations inhibit moderate crisis management and aggravate interstate behavior. The findings show that while civil war in composite situations has a negative impact on crisis escalation, unrelated-civil war has an inverse impact on interstate relations in crisis.
This study demonstrates the preponderant place of the ability of subjects of law concerning the conclusion of international treaties. This problematic finds its importance in the fact that the evolution of the international community has resulted in the existence of numerous juridical entities other than the state that would like to engage in the international scene. It is thus that by refocusing the question of the ability of contracting parties, we reach a redefinition of the international treaty. Having arrived at this redefinition, it would be judicious to focus on the notion of the international treaty. S. Stanton
Cover -- CONTENTS -- CONTEXT: REFORM TO ACCELERATE GROWTH -- RECENT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS -- PROGRAM PERFORMANCE -- ECONOMIC OUTLOOK AND RISKS -- POLICY DISCUSSIONS -- A. Address Revenue Shortfall and Contingent Liabilities, and Reduce Debt Burden over the Medium Term -- B. Boost International Reserves Buffers -- C. Safeguard Financial Stability -- D. Accelerate Growth-Enhancing Projects And Structural Reforms -- PROGRAM ISSUES, SAFEGUARDS, AND RISKS -- OTHER SURVEILLANCE ISSUES -- STAFF APPRAISAL -- BOXES -- 1. Main Recommendations of the 2016 Article IV Consultation and Their Current Status -- 2. Risk Assessment Matrix 2018 -- 3. Introduction of the VAT -- 4. Economic Diversification in São Tomé and Príncipe -- FIGURES -- 1. Recent Macroeconomic Developments, 2009-18 -- 2. Financial Sector Developments, 2011-18 -- TABLES -- 1. Selected Economic Indicators, 2015-20 -- 2a. Financial Operations of the Central Government, 2015-20 (millions of new dobra) -- 2b. Financial Operations of the Central Government, 2015-20 (in percent of GDP) -- 3. Summary Accounts of the Central Bank, 2015-20 -- 4. Monetary Survey, 2015-20 -- 5. Financial Soundness Indicators, December 2012 - March 2018 -- 6a. Balance of Payments, 2015-20 (millions of U.S. dollars) -- 6b. Balance of Payments, 2015-20 (in percent of GDP) -- 7. External Financing Requirements and Sources, 2015-20 -- 8. Indicators of Capacity to Repay the Fund, 2018-32 -- 9. Schedule of Disbursements Under an Extended ECF Arrangement, 2015-18 -- ANNEXES -- I. Capacity Development Strategy 2018-20 -- II. External Sector Assessment -- APPENDIX -- I. Letter of Intent -- Attachment I. Supplementary Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies for 2018 -- Attachment II. Technical Memorandum of Understanding, July 2018 -- CONTENTS -- RELATIONS WITH THE FUND -- RELATIONS WITH THE WORLD BANK GROUP
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Die Studie präsentiert einen systematischen Vergleich der inter-administrativen Strukturen und Prozesse in zehn internationalen Multi-Level Systemen. Damit gibt die Studie Einblicke in die Beziehungen von Verwaltungsakteuren auf verschiedenen Ebenen. Dazu wird eine top-down Perspektive auf die Formen der Handlungskoordination zwischen den Administrationen eingenommen und besonders auf die Aktivitäten der internationalen Verwaltungen fokussiert. Die empirischen Befunde legen nahe, dass internationale Verwaltungen aktive Policy-Maker sind, die gegenüber nationalen Pendants verschiedene Rollen einnehmen und strategisch ihre Ziele verfolgen. Hierbei sind sie in komplexe Kontexte eingebunden und auf kooperative und kommunikative Strategien der Handlungskoordination angewiesen. Der Autor betätigt sich in der vergleichenden Föderalismusforschung und in den Debatten um Multi-Level Governance und dem Konzept von Mehrebenenverwaltungen.
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Terrorist groups with a shared enemy or ideology have ample reason to work together, even if they are primarily pursuing different causes. Although partnering with another terrorist organization has the potential to bolster operational effectiveness, efficiency, and prestige, international alliances may expose partners to infiltration, security breaches, or additional counterterrorism attention. Alliances between such organizations, which are suspicious and secretive by nature, must also overcome significant barriers to trust—the exposure to risk must be balanced by the promise of increased lethality, resiliency, and longevity. In Why Terrorist Groups Form International Alliances, Tricia Bacon argues that although it may seem natural for terrorist groups to ally, groups actually face substantial hurdles when attempting to ally and, when alliances do form, they are not evenly distributed across pairs. Instead, she demonstrates that when terrorist groups seek allies to obtain new skills, knowledge, or capacities for resource acquisition and mobilization, only a few groups have the ability to provide needed training, safe haven, infrastructure, or cachet. Consequently, these select few emerge as preferable partners and become hubs around which other groups cluster. According to Bacon, shared enemies and common ideologies do not cause alliances to form but create affinity to bind partners and guide partner selection. Bacon examines partnerships formed by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Al-Qaida, and Egyptian jihadist groups, among others, in a series of case studies spanning the dawn of international terrorism in the 1960s to the present. Why Terrorist Groups Form International Alliances advances our understanding of the motivations of terrorist alliances and offers insights useful to counterterrorism efforts to disrupt these dangerous relationships.
In the English School, the relationship between international and world society has recently received increasing attention – conceptually and empirically. Adding to this developing literature, we study how world societal actors not only serve as normative counterpoints to international society or function as norm-entrepreneurs, but decisively contribute to its reproduction. Going beyond the common preoccupation with actor types, we focus on practices that are performed on the international stage. We examine the role which world sport events, especially FIFA's World Cup and the infrastructure of football, play for international society. Building on Wight, we conceptualize world sport events as a (world societal actor driven) derivative primary institution of international society, which is embedded within the particularly hybrid master primary institution of sites and festivals. We find that world sport events allow for the ludic and festive reproduction of key primary institutions (like sovereignty, territoriality, and nationalism), while they highlight how members of international society compete on the basis of shared norms and values. Naturalizing world order as international order, they make international society emotionally experienceable as feasible and desirable at a global level. In performing world sport events, world societal actors uphold rather than challenge international society.
This article analyses and critically reflects on how the concept of 'crisis' has tended to feature within prominent debates on 'Crisis of the Liberal International Order'. Within such scholarship, the article argues, the concept of crisis most often functions as a technology of crisis management in itself: rather than disrupting narratives and assumptions of liberal progress and order, invocations of crisis within Liberal International Order scholarship tend to recapitulate those same narratives and assumptions. To make this case, the article undertakes an immanent critique of how crisis has been understood within debates on the Liberal International Order, drawing on wider critical and social theoretic reflections on 'crisis talk' as the basis for a more critical engagement. Doing so, it seeks to highlight the ways in which Crisis of the Liberal International Order debates constitute a particular way of understanding the relationship between crisis, liberalism and modernity.
This article analyses and critically reflects on how the concept of 'crisis' has tended to feature within prominent debates on 'Crisis of the Liberal International Order'. Within such scholarship, the article argues, the concept of crisis most often functions as a technology of crisis management in itself: rather than disrupting narratives and assumptions of liberal progress and order, invocations of crisis within Liberal International Order scholarship tend to recapitulate those same narratives and assumptions. To make this case, the article undertakes an immanent critique of how crisis has been understood within debates on the Liberal International Order, drawing on wider critical and social theoretic reflections on 'crisis talk' as the basis for a more critical engagement. Doing so, it seeks to highlight the ways in which Crisis of the Liberal International Order debates constitute a particular way of understanding the relationship between crisis, liberalism and modernity.
