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The term `environmental terrorism' (or `ecological terrorism') has found its way into North American politics, media, and academia. The concept of `environmental terrorism', however, remains an ambiguous one. When is it appropriate to call environmental destruction `environmental terrorism'? To date, the term `environmental terrorism' has been misused by North American politicians, media, and academics alike. In this article, I devise a taxonomy that allows one to systematically discern the types of environmental destruction that can legitimately be labeled `terrorism' and those that can be labeled `environmental terrorism'. Environmental destruction or the threat thereof can be labeled `terrorism' when: (1) the act or threat breaches national and/or international laws governing the disruption of the environment during peacetime or wartime; and (2) the act or threat exhibits the fundamental characteristics of terrorism (i.e. the act or threat of violence has specific objectives, and the violence is aimed at a symbolic target). An act of environmental destruction can be termed `environmental terrorism' only when the two latter criteria are met, and when the environment is used by the perpetrator as an authentic symbol that instills fear in the larger population over the ecological consequences of the act.

Parallels are demonstrated between changes in Swedish attitudes toward peace and war, reflected in the image of the `war-hero', Karl XII, and the increasing peacefulness of Swedish society. The value changes are documented through analyses of four literary works: those of Geijer and Tegner, who glorified Karl XII as `war-hero', and Heidenstam and Strindberg, who described the same Karl XII as a psychopath and villain and as a scourge for his country. As Geijer and Tegner wrote at the beginning of the 19th century, whereas Heidenstam and Strindberg produced their works at the end of it, the value changes occurring during this century can be demonstrated in these literary works. Relations between changed mentalities, as reflected in the literary works, and political decisions are explored. Finally, as a resulting implication, the potential impact of critical attitudes of the electorate on a leader's election and on his license for engaging in impulsive wars is discussed.

The end of the cold war has produced a sustained debate on international relations theory. Some scholars argue that the unexpected and unexpectedly peaceful demise of the post-World War II international order undermines the entire research agenda of the subfield; others maintain that it warrants an adjustment of the balance between theories or theoretical traditions; and still others hold that it has little or no relevance to theory. This essay reviews the debate in light of the new evidence that has accumulated over the past five years. It finds that because scholars rarely make the empirical implications of their arguments explicit, the cascade of new information concerning the event cannot advance the debate. However, the natural focus provided by a sudden and unexpected event of seminal importance and the outpouring of new data suggest the possibility of empirically driven progress in one's understanding of change in world politics. The article concludes with guidelines designed to increase the likelihood of such progress by clarifying the debate in advance of new releases of primary data.

AbstractAlready a staple of urban high schools, peer mediation programs are now proliferating in inner‐city elementary and middle schools. Our research questions whether young children, regardless of their location in the urban landscape, have the cognitive capacities to use the problem‐solving technology of mediation. Moreover, it challenges the claim that hostile aggression of inner‐city youths increases with age. Our research points to the contrary claim that violent modes of conflict decrease as children mature. Rather than only promoting mediation technology, we encourage elementary and middle schools to also create discursive space for verbal interaction. This strategy, in combination with the process of maturation, will enable urban youths to work out trouble peacefully.

The causal relationship between environmental scarcities - the scarcity of renewable resources - and the outbreak of violent conflict is complex. Environmental scarcity emerges within a political, social economic, and ecological context and interacts with many of these contextual factors to contribute to violence. To examine this relationship, we outline a theoretical framework defining scarcities, the social effects arising from these scarcities, and the ensuing movement towards violence. We subsequently apply this framework to analyse the link between environmental scarcities and violent conflict in South Africa. Within South Africa, violence arose at precisely the same time that many anticipated a transformation to a more peaceful society - upon the release of Nelson Mandela, the end of the ban on political activity and the official end to apartheid. This article provides a new perspective on these events by analysing the link between South Africa's environmental scarcity and violent conflict.

• U.S. policy toward Cuba is to promote a peaceful transition to democracy.• U.S. policy consists of four key elements: maintaining economic pressure through the embargo and Libertad Act; developing a concerted multilateral effort to promote democracy and human rights; supporting the Cuban people in developing civil society and by providing humanitarian assistance; and keeping migration in safe, legal, orderly channels.

Johan Galtung Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and CivilizationRonald J. Fisher Interactive Conflict ResolutionJames Downton, Jr., and Paul Wehr The Persistent Activist: How Peace Commitment Develops and SurvivesCharles C. Euchner Extraordinary Politics: How Protest and Dissent Are Changing American DemocracyLea E. Williams Servants of the People: The 1960s Legacy of African American LeadershipCharles M. Payne I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom StruggleMoredechai Bar‐On In Pursuit of Peace: A History of the Israeli Peace MovementTemma Kaplan Crazy for Democracy: Women in Grassroots MovementsRod Troester Jimmy Carter as Peacemaker: A Post‐Presidential BiographyJim Hanson The Next Cold War?: American Alternatives for the Twenty‐First Century

Gaddis claimed that international relations theory failed to predict the Gulf War, the Soviet Union's collapse, and the cold war's end. Subsequently, he acknowledged that the expected utility model captures the logic behind complex adaptive systems such as the cold war international system. That model correctly predicted two of the events to which Gaddis pointed. Here, that model is used to simulate alternative scenarios to determine whether the cold war's end could have been predicted based only on information available in 1948. The simulations show a 68% to 78% probability that the United States would win the cold war peacefully given the conditions in 1948 and plausible shifts in the attentiveness of each state to security concerns over time. The analysis demonstrates a rigorous method for testing counterfactual histories and shows that the pro-American end to the cold war was an emergent property of the initial post-World War II conditions.

In a local example, where a new approach to bargaining got started, we find Ramsey County, Minnesota. After a bitter strike and experiments with outside negotiators, the parties turned to interest-based bargaining as a way to improve the bargaining relationship. Even though the brief period that the county contracted out negotiations seemed peaceful compared to the preceding tumultuous years, the parries found that an interest-based bargaining relationship produced results beyond expectations. Construing bargaining as part of a mutual interest relationship, the parties rely on each other's on-going service and quality of work-life concerns. Now, contracts are renegotiated in record time, before expiration, in contrast to the lengthy delays under the traditional collective bargaining model. Issues are addressed by joint groups between bargaining rounds. Grievances have been reduced, thus causing less disruption. Better service is now provided, and customer service has been enhanced. The parties also applied the interest-based approach to the always complicated problem of merging departments. Correcting the anachronism of separate city and county health departments, this new relationship and approach was used to handle the personnel and labor issues involved in such a merger. Here, Ramsey County shows how to move in a municipal context from a traditional to a cooperative relationship and how quickly the benefits spread out and emerge.

On December 23, 1991, the Federal Republic of Germany announced its intention to proceed with unilateral diplomatic recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav states of Croatia and Slovenia, unquestionably one of the most precipitous acts in post-Cold War Europe. With it the Bonn government in effect renounced the legitimacy of the existing Yugoslav state and pressured other European governments to do the same. Within weeks the Yugoslav federation came apart at every seam, while its civil affairs degenerated into an anarchy of armed violence as convoluted in many respects as the Thirty Years' War.In Germany's defense, it should be conceded at the outset that an alternative approach to recognition would not necessarily have produced a fundamentally more peaceful transformation of Yugoslavia. In light of the deepening political and economic cleavages with which the multinational state had been wrestling since the 1970s, the reasonable question is not whether the serial wars of the Yugoslav succession could have been avoided altogether, but whether Germany's action offered Yugoslavia and its populace the best chance for a more peaceful course of change given the circumstances. Did Bonn apply the best of its diplomatic and political brains to the issues of sovereignty, self-determination, and human rights? Were its actions morally responsible with regard to Balkan, German, and European history?

During the late 1980s the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldavia, like many other regions within the former USSR, entered into a period of political turmoil. As the grip of the Communist Party weakened, increasingly serious conflict broke out between the Romanian-speaking majority and minority activists. Separatist forces quickly established themselves in two of the republic's regions, Transnistria on the east bank of the Dnestr river and the Gagauz districts in the south. Both claimed sovereignty and forcibly resisted the authority of the central government. By 1992 severe fighting was underway, especially in Transnistria, and Moldova appeared to be on the verge of a spiral into unrestrained civil conflict. Yet, by 1995, nationalist forces in Moldova had declined, and one of the two separatist conflicts, that in the Gagauz region, had been resolved by the peaceful reintegration of the Gagauz into Moldova. The second conflict, in Transnistria, was at least partially defused, and escalation was avoided.

Barry Shaw, ed., Brisbane: Corridors of PowerMichael Rose, For the Record: 160 Years of Aboriginal Print JournalismJohn Ramsland, With Just But Relentless Discipline: A Social History of Corrective Services in New South WalesTony Austin, Never Trust a Government Man: Northern Territory Aboriginal Policy, 1911–1939Margaret Glass, Charles Cameron Kingston: Federation FathersJohn Murdoch, Sir Joe: A Political Biography of Sir Joseph CookPeter Golding, Black Jack McEwen: Political GladiatorJudith Brett, Political LivesNancy Viviani, The Indochinese in Australia: From Burnt Boats to BarbecuesEdmund S. K. Fung and Chen Jie, Changing Perceptions: The Attitudes of the PRC Chinese Towards Australia and China, 1989–1996Curtis Andressen and Keichi Kumagai, Escape From Affluence: Japanese Students in AustraliaJohn Uhr and Keith Mackay, eds, Evaluating Policy Advice: Learning From Commonwealth ExperienceGlyn Davis, A Government of Routines: Executive Coordination in an Australian StatePeter Beilharz, Imagining the Antipodes: Culture, Theory and the Visual in the Work of Bernard SmithChris Healy, From the Ruins of Colonialism: History as Social MemoryJohn Rickard, Australia: A Cultural HistoryHelen Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia's ConstitutionGerard J. DeGroot, Blighty: British Society in the Era of the Great WarWalter Gratzer, ed., A Bedside Nature: Genius and Eccentricity 1869–1953Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery, eds, A Military History of IrelandWilliam G. Naphy, ed. and trans., Documents on the Continental ReformationAndrew Bonnell, Gregory Munro and Martin Travers, eds., Power, Conscience and Opposition: Essays in German History in Honour of John A. MosesAlex Saranin, Child of the KulaksDon Peretz and Gideon Doron, The Government and Politics of IsraelPaul White and William Logan, eds, Remaking the Middle EastIan Cowman, Dominion or Decline: Anglo‐American Naval Relations in the Pacific 1937–1941Robert Buzzanco, Masters of War: Military Dissent and Politics in the Vietnam EraJames H. Lebovic, Forgone Conclusions: US Weapons Acquisition in the Post‐Cold War TransitionRamesh Thakur and Carlyle Thayer, eds, A Crisis of Expectations: UN Peacekeeping in the 1990sErik Cohen, Thai Tourism, Hill Tribes and Open‐ended ProstitutionRolf Torstendahl and Irmline Veit‐Brause, eds, History‐Making: The Intellectual and Social Formation of a DisciplineP. D. A. Harvey, Mappa Mundi: The Hereford World MapSheila Tobias, Faces of Feminism: An Activist's Reflections on the Women's Movement

Since the original goals of Zionism have largely been accomplished or are less relevant today, conditions are ripe for Israel's transition from Zionism to post-Zionism. A post-Zionist Israel—while maintaining its Jewish character and special relationship to world Jewry—would be a state primarily committed to protecting and advancing the interests of its citizens, regardless of ethnicity. In a post-Zionist Israel, the status of non-Jewish Israelis would be up-graded and the status of non-Israeli Jews downgraded. Moreover, Israel would be integrated into the region and engaged in normal, peaceful relations with its neighbors. Many forces are promoting this transition, including the peace process, changes in Israel-Diaspora relations, and the liberalization of the society. Countervailing forces stem mostly from the ultranationalist and Orthodox religious sectors in the society. To advance the transition, Israel will have to address four major divisions within the society: the divisions between citizens and noncitizens, Jewish and Palestinian citizens, Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jews, and religious and secular Jews.

Of the many European states that interacted with the Ottoman Empire in the early modern era, few did so as extensively as the Most Serene Republic of Venice,La Serenissima. The two empires shared a lengthy border and a common historical trajectory for almost 500 years, during which time the political and economic fortunes of both were intimately intertwined. While occasionally interrupted by brief periods of open hostility, for the most part this relationship was characterized by peaceful coexistence. Venetian historiography at present, however, is unable to explain this reality. Rather, in painting the picture of Venice's relations with the Ottoman Empire, scholars have relied on broad strokes that depict a series of rather simple, binary relationships—East/West, Muslim/Christian, Venetian/Turk. This dichotomy is readily apparent in the titles of important monographs on the topic:Islam and the West, Europe and the Turk, Venezia e i turchi.

The contemporary international system is characterized by change and continuity in fundamental socio-political processes and economic relationships that constitute the foundation on which state and non-state interactions unfold. In particular, post-Cold War fin de siècle international politics, rather than producing a new era of global peace, economic prosperity, and symmetrical interdependence, is instead characterized by a widening scope and intensity of geopolitical fluidity and socio-economic effervescence which tend either to (1) undermine state sovereignty, (2) assail human rights practices, or (3) impel the key actors (great powers and major international organizations) of the international system to adopt a foreign policy posture of Aintervention@ with the goal of managing the global political economy. The ever-increasing negative effects of transnational social forces tend to generate the pervasive force of a liberal cosmopolitan moral view of international relations that increasingly sanctions both military and non-military interventions to maintain the existing structure of states and international society. The consequence is that states, in particular weak developing states, are progressively losing their individual identities, rights, and obligations vis-à-vis civil society, in the wake of the external impositions. In other words, the high incidence of violent ethnopolitical conflicts as well as the dislocative effects of weak developing economies are increasingly undermining the twin pillars of non-intervention and state sovereignty. Conflict/peacekeeping interventions and economic dislocation/external policy impositions now constitute the most formidable sources of assault on the decision-making autonomy, territorial integrity, and overall sovereignty of the developing state.