The world's only annual publication devoted to the study of the laws of armed conflict, ""The Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law"" provides a truly international forum for high-quality, peer-reviewed academic articles focusing on this highly topical branch of international law. Ease of use of the Yearbook is guaranteed by the inclusion of a detailed index. Distinguished by its topicality and contemporary relevance, ""The Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law"" bridges the gap between theory and practice and serves as a useful reference tool for scholars, practitioners, military pe
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
AbstractThe huge rise in the settlement of investment disputes by treaty has provoked an underlying question of great practical and theoretical importance: the relationship between the substantive standards protected in such treaties and general international law. This paper argues that the relationship is symbiotic: custom informing the content of the treay right; and State practice under investment treaties contributing to the development of general international law. It is the structured process of treaty interpretation which determines when and how reference to general international law may be made. Practice in this field supports a broader modern phenomenon, in which 'general principles of law common to civilized nations' may be informed not only by common principles of domestic law, but also by general principles of international law itself.
The concept of legitimacy has long held a central place in political thought, but only in recent years have scholars started to look closely at questions of legitimacy in international affairs. Yet the literature now abounds with enquiries into the legitimacy of particular regimes, of humanitarian intervention and other forms of violence, and of various international institutions, including international law itself. These questions take many forms, as it is not simply the criteria, but also the very meaning of legitimacy that is contested—yet through these various meanings, certain continuities of use can be seen. As an application of Wittgenstein's analyses of `language games', a conceptual history of legitimacy can help to show the forms of these continuities, and also help us to understand the range of conceptual affiliates the term has picked up along the way, from legality to popular approval to moral appropriateness. Looking at contemporary uses of the term in IR, we can see how these ambiguous associations often intrude on one another, such that the concept evokes a significance greater than that which is claimed for it. This conceptual encroachment contributes to specific effects of the use of legitimacy, in terms of the way international politics can be represented and perceived. This leads to a recommendation that, if the concept of legitimacy is to become as relevant to global politics as it is in theories of the state, it is vital that IR theorists be more attentive to these practical implications of their conceptual (re)constructions.
In: La revue internationale et stratégique: revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS), Band 60, Heft 4, S. 75-84
Résumé La mise à l'agenda international de la question environnementale est récente. Elle peut être datée du début des années 1970. En moins de trente ans, une série de dispositifs et d'injonctions collectives se sont mises en place en modifiant pour partie l'organisation de la recherche, les actions publiques et privées, les comportements individuels et collectifs. Le point d'orgue de la coordination internationale a sans doute été le sommet de la Terre de Rio et l'adoption de la notion de développement durable comme horizon normatif en construction. Un contrecoup « réaliste » est pourtant perceptible qui met en cause le traitement de l'objectif substantiel environnemental par la coordination internationale.
Die Entwicklung von Frauenbewegungen wird von regionalen, nationalen und auch internationalen Prozessen geprägt. Eine einfache polare Gegenüberstellung von Ost und West ist wenig fruchtbar, sondern es müssen diverse andere politische und soziale Faktoren mit berücksichtigt werden. Auf diesem Hintergrund untersucht der Beitrag Ähnlichkeiten und Unterschiede von Frauenbewegungen in EU-Mitgliedsländern, Beitrittsländern sowie in Ländern, die die Grenzen Europas und der EU infrage stellen. Anhand ausgewählter Dimensionen wird das Verhältnis verschiedener Strömungen innerhalb von Frauenbewegungen zueinander wie auch zwischen Frauenbewegungen und anderen sozialen Bewegungen herausgearbeitet. Dabei handelt es sich um das Verhältnis zwischen Frauenbewegungen und nationalen und nationalistischen Bewegungen, um die Spannungen zwischen bürgerlichen und proletarischen Frauenbewegungen sowie um das Verhältnis von autonomen Frauenbewegungen und Staatsfeminismus. Weiterhin werden die Rahmenbedingungen von Frauenbewegungen in Demokratie und Diktatur sowie das Verhältnis verschiedener Forderungen zueinander (Chancengleichheit in Bildung und Beruf, Sexualität und Körperpolitik) erörtert. Abschließend wird die Bedeutung transnationaler Organisationen für die Entwicklung von Frauenbewegungen und Feminismus diskutiert. (ICH2)
Ben-Ami, Shlomo: Internationalizing the solution. Multilateralism and international legitimacy. - S. 9-14. Al-Salhi, Bassam: American policy and the Middle East conflict. Bias to Israel impedes an even-handed american involvement in a peace settlement. - S. 15-19. Kurtzer, Daniel C.: The U.S. must get tough in promoting Arab-Israeli efforts. Conditions for the peace process are ripe, now it is up to the U.S. - S. 20-24. Al-Malki, Riad: Why has the international community failed to end the Palestinian-Israeli conflict? The international community must intervene more seriously to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. - S. 25-31. Elron, Efrat: Israel, UNIFIL II, the UN and the international community. UNIFIL II might be a model for a PSO in the Israel-Palestine arena. - S. 32-39. Abdul Karim, Qais (Abu Leila): Arab peace plans: initiatives that lack initiative. Arab peace efforts since the 1967 war to the present. - S. 40-48. Gärber, Andrä: The international community's policy options in the Middle East. A joint international initiative is the only comprehensive, sustainable solution. - S. 49-56. Kellen, David: All the king's horses: International intervention during the second Intifada. Internal Palestinians conflicts must first end, possibly with the help of a PSO. - S. 57-63
Politischer Protest und Widerstand sind aktuelle Themen - sowohl tagespolitischer als auch wissenschaftlicher Auseinandersetzung. Allerdings werden die unterschiedlichen Formen von Widerstand und Protest nicht als zusammenhängendes Phänomen erfasst. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass für den konzeptionellen Mangel vor allem das Fehlen eines Herrschaftsbegriffs in der Theorienlandschaft der internationalen Politik ursächlich ist. Der Beitrag geht deshalb nach einem Problemaufriss zunächst im ersten Teil des Beitrags auf den Begriff der Herrschaft in der internationalen Politik ein. Dabei betrachtet der Beitrag den Machtbegriff in den Theorien von Realismus und Liberalismus, setzt sich mit Macht im Anschluss an Marx, Gramsci und Foucault auseinander und fragt schließlich in diesem Kapitel nach Macht und Herrschaft in der internationalen Politik. Zentrales Anliegen des zweiten Teils ist es einerseits den Zusammenhang zwischen Herrschaft, Entpolitisierung und Widerstand herauszuarbeiten und andererseits Entpolitisierung als zentrale Herrschaftsstrategie zu benennen. Im dritten und letzten Teil wird gezeigt, wie die demokratietheoretische Deutung von Protest die Erklärungsansätze für Radikalisierung zu erweitern hilft. (ICA2)
In: Meždunarodnye processy: žurnal teorii meždunarodnych otnošenij i mirovoj politiki = International trends : journal of theory of international relations and world politics, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 105-120
The article summarizes the outcomes of the implementation of the Water Strategy of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2020 in its part concerning international politics and assesses the new challenges to international cooperation in the field of protection and use of transboundary waters that Russia is expected to face in the coming decade. 2010s witnessed both the changing situation in the field of water availability in Russia, its neighbor countries and the whole world, and the changing scholarly approaches to the impact of water scarcity on international politics. Most of the approaches agreed that water scarcity more often leads to international cooperation. While agreeing with this approach, the authors critically assess the assumption that water scarcity is more often a source of conflicts, and that multilateral international institutions are the best tool to mitigate these conflicts. The authors find that this approach is based on Hobbesian notion of the natural condition of war of all against all for scarce resources, the only alternative to which are institutions of coercion, albeit not always perfect. The authors also find that other approaches based on Hobbesian political philosophy separate the international political processes caused by fear and by scarcity, the two most important "passions that incline men to peace", according to Hobbes. Fear, including fear of scarcity, tends to drive conflicts, but scarcity as such is more likely to generate cooperation. While multilateral institutions are sometimes capable of mitigating conflicts, in conditions of water scarcity bilateral and minilateral, i.e., created by a small number of parties, institutions of cooperation turn out to be more effective. The experience of Russia's interaction with its neighbors in the field of protection and use of transboundary water resources considered in the article provides with yet another evidence of that. The authors conclude that the international politics component of Russia's water strategy for the coming period is more consistent with the approach that assumes that water scarcity generates cooperation rather than conflicts. They also conclude that bilateral and minilateral institutions of cooperation offer countries destined to share a common river basin instruments of interaction that are more suitable for the conditions of a particular basin than multilateral institutions can offer.