Suchergebnisse

For more than 300 years, some historician have considered the Ukrainian warlord and diplomat Ivan Mazepa as a traitor. The impulse to consider this myth was caused by a declaration of anathema on him by the order of Peter I the Great. On the basis of analysis of the collected historical material a manysidedness of this extraordinary politician, his struggle against the oppression of his people and his struggle for national liberation is shown in the article. This publication is intended to dispel one of the long-existing myths made by the Russian historiography. At the same time, author knows that hetman's personality was sufficiently controversial and that's why opinions of the Ukrainian and Russian historicians as for evaluation of his personality are different. The author came to the conclusion that not only Russian historicians have the right to their own vision of Ivan Mazepa, but also the Ukrainian historicians consider him as a national hero, who made an unsuccessful attempt to slip the imperial collar, that is fair enough.Except for the usual publications involved in the discussions about the personality of this hetman, we used studies of the western specialists, who assume neutral (not prejudiced) attitude. They assess a situation around the Battle of Poltava and «treason» of the hetman in a more deliberate manner. The historicians of different countries don't give «a certain political complexion» to Mazepa's act, and draw attention to the fact that non-compliance with bilateral agreements was typical both for Cossacks since the time of Bohdan Khmelnytsky, and the Moscow rulers, who interpreted the separate paragraphs in their own way. Obviously, this factor was one of impulses that caused the decisive steps of Mazepa towards the union with the Swedish king Charles XII.It should be noted that the figures of Bohdan Khmelnytsky, Ivan Mazepa, Symon Petliura are the symbols of the Ukrainian nation, some kind of milestones in the struggle for independence, and under the conditions of the Russian aggression at the eastern boundaries of the state they are an example of self-sacrifice for the sake of own choice. Anyway, that is our opinion based on consideration of available information obtained from the Ukrainian press and scientific researches. ; Ось вже понад 300 років український полководець і дипломат Іван Степанович Мазе-па розглядається деякими істориками як зрадник. Поштовхом до розгляду цього міфу стало оголошення йому анафеми відповідно до наказу Петра I. На підставі аналізу зіб-раного історичного матеріалу в статті показано багатогранність цього неординар-ного політика, його боротьба проти гноблення свого народу за національне визволен-ня. Дана публікація покликана розвінчати один із довготривалих міфів сформованих ро-сійською історіографією. Разом із тим, автор, свідомий того, що гетьман був особис-тістю достатньо контроверсійною, тому і різняться його оцінки українськими та ро-сійськими істориками. Автор прийшов до висновку, що не тільки російські історики ма-ють право на власну візію Івана Мазепи, але й українські цілком слушно вважають його українським національним героєм, що здійснив хоч і невдалу спробу звільнення від імпер-ського ярма.

International audience ; Pour Richard Falk, «the state system is inherently incapable of organizing the defense of the planet against ecological destruction» . Le droit international stato-centré est certes peu adapté à un tel défi. Pourtant, au vu des développements impressionnants du droit international de l'environnement depuis 1973, aussi bien sur le plan conventionnel que coutumier, cette affirmation doit être nuancée. Le droit international de l'environnement a même connu quelques beaux succès, telle la restauration, en cours, de la couche d'ozone grâce au Protocole de Montréal de 1987. Force est de constater, malgré tout, qu'en dépit de la croissance du droit international de l'environnement les menaces environnementales mettent aujourd'hui en danger les conditions de vie de l'homme sur la planète . Les développements du droit pénal sont loin d'être la seule voie à explorer pour renforcer l'effectivité du droit international de l'environnement, mais ils en sont un moyen important. Or, plus de quarante ans après l'article de Richard Falk, l'écocide n'est toujours pas largement reconnu en droit international. La situation pourrait évoluer dans les années qui viennent en raison de l'aggravation des menaces environnementales, qui plaide en faveur d'un durcissement des politiques juridiques, mais aussi sous l'influence de deux facteurs : les développements du droit interne et le rôle de la doctrine. En effet, l'écocide fait l'objet d'une reconnaissance croissante dans les droits nationaux. De ce point de vue, «une dizaine de droits étrangers (…) ont introduit dans leur Code pénal le crime d'écocide qui s'entend du fait de détruire massivement la faune ou la flore, de contaminer l'atmosphère ou les eaux, et, plus largement, de commettre tout acte susceptible de causer une catastrophe écologique» . Le premier d'entre eux a d'ailleurs été… le Vietnam, qui définit l'écocide dans son Code pénal comme un crime contre l'humanité commis par destruction de l'environnement naturel, en temps de paix comme en temps de guerre . Dans le mouvement en faveur de la reconnaissance de l'écocide, la doctrine a joué un rôle important et elle doit continuer de pousser en faveur du développement du droit. Il faut saluer à ce titre le courage et le caractère visionnaire de Richard Falk. Ces dernières années, les propositions se sont multipliées. On mentionnera les propositions de l'avocate britannique Polly Higgins «Eradicating Ecocide», relayées par une initiative citoyenne européenne . Plus récemment, un groupe de chercheurs et praticiens a élaboré un ensemble de propositions précises et concrètes pour améliorer le droit pénal de l'environnement, à l'échelle aussi bien nationale qu'internationale. Ce projet, qui prend soin de distinguer les crimes environnementaux communs et «hors du commun», les écocrimes et les écocides, prône «une réprobation universalisée, mais graduée par des critères de gravité, une répression internationalisée, mais différenciée par des critères de diversité, et une responsabilité anticipée, mais modulée par des critères de tolérance» . Adapté aux nouvelles formes de criminalité, s'appliquant dans un conflit armé international comme interne, mais aussi en temps de paix, aux États comme aux entreprises ou aux «écomafias», articulant les échelles nationales et internationale, il prolonge le projet esquissé en 1973 par Richard Falk et dessine, peut-être, les voies de l'avenir.

We'll study how the body can be promoted in the libertarian education both as an object and also as a means at the turn of the 19Th and 20Th centuries. After focusing on educational projects at the time of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), we realized that it might be necessary to go back to the early 19th century to understand how and when this renewed interest for body education emerged again, mostly in France. In this regard, from our perspective, both Charles Fourier's theory and positivism appear to be determining in the anarchist approach. Consequently, we'll then present a number of relevant schools such as the Prevost Orphanage in Cempuis headed by Paul Robin between 1880 and 1894. We'll then show the utmost importance of this educational institution, which inspired numbers of schools including The "École libertaire" project, the Dugardin Orphanage in Brussels, The Escuela Moderna in Barcelona, the Ferrer Colony of Stelton, the Ferrer School in Lausanne, "La Ruche" and the "Avenir social" in France. At last, we'll examine the link between body and politics in pedagogy and the fact that this interest in the body shows that a politicized body is at stake. We then present anarchist propaganda's media such as naturism, renewal of Malthusianism and freedom of movement in school. Finally it appears quite necessary to relocate these somewhat forgotten theoretical quarrels through Foucault's theory of biopolitics, a most appropriate and ultimate tool to better understand these still contemporary issues. ; Il est ici question de la place du corps en tant qu'objet d'éducation, mais aussi en tant que moyen d'éducation dans le mouvement libertaire au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir examiné les projets contemporains de la fondation de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, le cadrage du sujet et la compréhension des questions qu'il soulève nécessitent de reculer dans le temps pour saisir comment et quand cet intérêt renouvelé pour l'éducation du corps est apparu en France. Il nous apparait alors nécessaire de traiter de l'apport du fouriérisme et de la détermination positiviste du regard que les libertaires ont porté sur le corps. Aussi, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous attachons à présenter certaines de ces écoles ou milieux scolaires, notamment l'Orphelinat Prévost de Cempuis sous la direction de Paul Robin, entre 1880 et 1894. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle central de cette institution qui a eu valeur de modèle pour nombre de réalisations ultérieures, notamment l'École libertaire, l'Orphelinat Dugardin, la Escuela Moderna, la Ferrer Colony de Stelton, l'École Ferrer de Lausanne, La Ruche et l'Avenir social. Enfin, nous consacrons un troisième temps plus réflexif à l'examen du lien unissant le corps à la politique, et aux enjeux pédagogiques qui en découlent, mettant en évidence que toute politique du corps fait du corps un objet politique. Nous examinons de quelle manière se sont déployés les vecteurs de propagande libertaire liés à l'éducation du corps et par le corps que sont le néomalthusianisme, la liberté de mouvement, le naturisme, etc. Enfin, une analyse prenant en compte la biopolitique foucaldienne montre toute l'actualité de ces combats.

Why did Hobbes write the Leviathan? In pursuit of an answer to this crucial question, this study suggests that Hobbes began his major political work in order to radically reform both consciences and the very notion of conscience, as this politico-theological concept was decisive to the success of his philosophical programme. During what was called «the Age of Conscience», the internal forum was invoked as the last guarantee of individual salvation and collective order. Religious and political duties were based on conscience; yet, the authentic «rule of conduct» was going through a profound crisis. By triggering «all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiastical government», conscience turned out to be a device for the subjection of the masses and a deadly disease for the political body, and therefore a major obstacle to the constitution of Hobbes's well-grounded state. The study shows how Hobbes, after criticizing the key category of Christian moral theology, gave it a scientific foundation, which made the "cum-scientia" the pivot of political unity, while securing the public sphere from private convictions on right and wrong. Through the combination of different methods, like lexicographic analysis and intellectual history, the study examines at first the problematic character of the Hobbesian conscience against the backdrop of contemporary conceptions. Then it illustrates the etymological argument of the seventh chapter of Leviathan, by depicting it as the turning point of Hobbes's reflection on the idea of conscience. Finally, the ethical and political implications of the etymology are analysed in the context of both casuistry and the Cartesian reform of probabilism. ; Pourquoi Hobbes écrivit-il le Léviathan ? Afin de répondre à cette question cruciale, l'étude suggère que Hobbes entreprit son œuvre politique majeure pour réaliser une réforme radicale des consciences et de la conscience comme catégorie théologico-politique décisive pour assurer le succès de son programme philosophique. Au cours de celle qu'on a rebaptisée « the Age of Conscience », le for interne était invoqué comme la garantie dernière du salut individuel et de l'ordre collectif. Chaque devoir, qu'il fût religieux ou politique, se basait sur la conscience ; toutefois, la « règle du vivre » traversait une crise profonde. Source de « all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiastical government », la conscience s'était révélée un dispositif de contrôle des masses et une maladie mortelle pour le corps politique et, donc, un obstacle majeur à la constitution de l'État bien fondé hobbesien. L'étude montre comment Hobbes, après avoir soumis la catégorie-clé de la théologie morale chrétienne à une critique radicale, lui donna un fondement scientifique, qui fit de la "cum-scientia" un pivot inébranlable de l'unité de l'État, tout en mettant la sphère publique à l'abri des convictions privées sur le juste et l'injuste. Combinant des méthodologies différentes, comme l'analyse lexicographique et l'histoire conceptuelle, l'étude examine d'abord le caractère problématique de la conscience hobbesienne par rapport aux conceptions contemporaines. Ensuite, elle illustre l'argument étymologique du Léviathan comme point culminant de la réflexion hobbesienne sur la conscience, pour enfin en analyser les implications éthiques et politiques dans le milieu de la casuistique et de la réforme cartésienne du probabilisme.

This report presents an assessment of the Australian research system through the identification of indicators and the presentation of data from metrics that encompass such indicators. The aim of this paper was to develop a framework to allow for the assessment and evaluation of the Australian research system. This paper was developed in response to the Boosting the Commercial Returns from Research report that was presented by the Australian government in 2014. It begins by examining the current assessment framework and claiming that the assessment mechanisms currently in place are fragmented and do not provide a holistic approach to the evaluation of the assessment. The current assessment tools are the National Survey of Research Commercialisation (NSRC), the Higher Education Research Data Collection (HERDC), Excellence in Research Australia (ERA) and University rankings (QS, THE & ARWU). These tools, whilst useful, do not provide a complete assessment of the research system. Australia has been held in high regard for the quality of the research and its researchers. However, these statements are often made when making comparisons of metrics such as citations or publications. This report argues that a comparison between Australia and the countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development at a system level allows for determinations on how Australia could improve its research system. Internationally, the current framework does not compare to the European Union, which make their assessments through ERAWATCH, which completes an assessment annually and presents country reports. Australia however, is fairing better than the United States, where there currently exists no assessment framework. This report collected data through the data-mining available databases and through data request from organisations. Data was collected for metrics that were identified by the Department as potential indicators, which would be helpful in developing the assessment. This data was presented against the OECD average in order to determine how Australia was progressing internationally. Trends in data were explained, however not mentioned as it is out of the scope of the course, and would require much further research. Data was examined through statistical analysis to make recommendations on how the sector could be improved. Australia does well in the quality of its research, doing much better than the OECD average in both citations per publication, publication per researcher and research excellence. Australia could improve on resourcing its research system through an increase in investment in research from all sectors, as well as providing incentives for increased industry collaboration and for the translation of research into commercial outcomes. This paper makes several recommendations. Firstly, whilst this report outlines a clear framework for the assessment of the research system, much of the data is incomplete to the current time period and some indicators do not have sufficiently robust data. The Australia Government should improve and increase its data collection on research indicators. Secondly, commercialisation metrics are almost non-existent in practice, and should be developed and assessed annually in order to improve data collection in this area. Lastly, a review of this framework in practice should be conducted to test its robustness as an evaluation mechanism.

The Johannesburg Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in CustomsMatters as of 2003 is a crucial breakthrough and important legal tool for theimplementation of risk analysis systems by customs authorities governed by the the WorldCustoms Organization (WCO) around the globe. However it has not entered into force yet.Is this new legal tool failing early? The old Nairobi Convention from 1977 is outdated andhas never been widely accepted. This paper addresses the need for mutual Customs assistance, a common legal basisand analyses the current situation. The author underlines the idea that the JohannesburgConvention recognises the increased global concern for the security and facilitation of theinternational trade supply chain, and that offences against customs law are prejudicial tothe security of the Contracting Parties and their economic, commercial, fiscal, social, publichealth and cultural interests. It also recognises that the international exchange ofinformation is an essential component of effective risk management and that such exchangeof information should be based on clear legal provisions. The author also points out that though mutual customs assistance is possible on thebasis of the Nairobi Convention or on the basis of bilateral agreements and other binding ornon-binding WCO and/or UN legal tools, the Johannesburg Convention would make thingsbetter, clearer and modern. In conclusion the author argues that in case the JC is not going to be ratified by mostcountries the overall aim of a more secure supply chain is about to fail due toadministrational hindering and hesitating governments. The methods used during the study are analysis, synthesis, comparison,generalization, systematic and functional analysis. ; Йоханнесбургская конвенция о взаимной административной помощи втаможенных делах, подписанная в 2003 году, является существенным достижениеми важным правовым инструментом для внедрения систем анализа рисковтаможенными органами под эгидой Всемирной таможенной организации (ВТамО) повсему земному шару. Однако, принимая во внимание тот факт, что данная конвенцияеще не вступила в силу, возникает закономерный вопрос: является ли она новымправовым инструментом, который уже на начальном этапе оказалсянеэффективным? Опыт показывает, что Найробийская конвенция от 1977 года насегодня устарела и так никогда не была широко принята. Исходя из вышесказанного, в данной статье автор рассматриваетнеобходимость взаимной таможенной помощи и общей правовой базы, а такжепроводит анализ текущей ситуации. Автор подчеркивает, что Йоханнесбургскаяконвенция подчеркивает важность вопросов безопасности и упрощения процедурмеждународной цепи поставок товаров, а также определяет нарушениятаможенного законодательства как такие, которые угрожают безопасностисторон договора и их экономическим, коммерческим, финансовым, социальныминтересам, а также вопросам здравоохранения и культуры. Она такжепредусматривает, что международный обмен информацией является важнымкомпонентом эффективного управления рисками, и что такой обмен долженосновываться на четких правовых положениях. Автор также утверждает, что хотя взаимная административная помощь втаможенных вопросах возможна на основе Найробийской конвенции или на основедвусторонних соглашений и других, обязательных или необязательных правовыхинструментов ВТамО и/или ООН, Йоханнесбургская конвенция включаетусовершенствованные, четкие и современные положения. В заключение автор делает вывод, что в случае, если Йоханнесбургскаяконвенция не будет ратифицирована большинством стран, общая цель,заключающаяся в более безопасной цепочке поставок, не будет достигнута. В ходе исследования использовались следующие методы: анализ, синтез,сравнение, обобщение, системно-функциональный анализ.

How has the field of art developed, evolved, and been sustained in Russia after socialism? This dissertation examines the challenges Russian art-world actors face in building a field of art in a society undergoing rapid and significant economic, political, and social transformation. As a result of this upheaval, Russian art since the end of the Soviet Union has had to develop and negotiate an identity with the simultaneous yet contradictory forces of a socialist history and a neoliberal present. Further, actors in the Russian art world are judged against a teleological notion of artistic progress that stems from a Western-dominated cultural hierarchy. Russia's art world grapples with both its Soviet past and its post-Soviet present in a world of fully developed fields of art. These conditions differ greatly from Bourdieu's account of the genesis of an autonomous field of art in nineteenth-century France, in which he takes for granted the conditions that made the development of an autonomous tradition of art possible, namely a cultural and political legacy particular to France. Russian art, therefore, offers a unique contemporary example of how a field of cultural production must struggle to create itself as autonomous while outside the bounds of Bourdieu's ideal field that bore Euro-American modernism in the West. I demonstrate the impact these differences have had on the development of a Russian field of art, by showing (1) how Russia's tumultuous transition from socialism to capitalism has differently shaped two generations of post-Soviet artists; (2) the difficulty of establishing a strong market and the resultant limited community of collectors; (3) the impact of a powerfully constraining state on the lives and work of artists; and (4) the significance of entering into a world in which there already exists powerful field(s) of arts centered in the West. While the development of the Russian art world has made significant and arguably rapid changes over the past two decades—such as the increase of arts education and institutions—it still faces numerous challenges, from the escalating censorship by the state to the falling number of collectors. Further, when situated within a global context of inequality, it becomes apparent that the Russian field of art remains on the periphery of the international art world, struggling for legitimacy in the eyes of foreign experts and collectors. By attending to the historical trajectory of Russian art throughout the twentieth century—taking seriously the contributions of Soviet culture and the impact of globalization on cultural production and practices on its own terms as opposed to just as "other"—I construct a genealogy of the contemporary field of postsocialist art that illuminates how Russians have come to understand the categories of "art" and "artist." Ultimately, this dissertation argues that the combination of the cultural and economic isolation experienced during the Soviet period, the current government's controlling presence, and Western capitalist economic and cultural hegemony has had detrimental effects on its understanding of itself and thus, the creation of its field of art.

2016 Spring. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; As the United States becomes more diverse, the National Park Service will need to continue to adapt if it is going to continue to garner public, political, and financial support in the future. In these three chapters, the role of citizens, funders, politicians and visitors is investigated. The first two chapters of this study explore the historic role of citizens and legislators in creating and developing the National Park System. The third chapter takes park visitor data, joined with market research data, to explore different theories on barriers for diverse audiences, in-group heterogeneity of park visitors, and opportunities to use this research to engage new park visitors and boosters from diverse backgrounds. The first chapter provides a historical perspective on the origins of the National Park Service. This chapter considers the early advocates and park champions from all walks of life who helped shaped the system in its earliest years. In particular it focuses on those outside the government bureaucracy who helped provide the infrastructure and resources, and who got the country energized around the concept of government investment in conservation and heritage work. The second chapter explores political aspects of designating new sites into the National Park System. Federally designated protected lands represent a variety of political, economic, recreational and ideological costs and benefits. The chapter reviews some of the main arguments for and against creating new National Park sites, the legislative steps that proposed parks go through in the process to become an official national park unit, and tests the electoral competition theory, an adaptation of economic rational choice theory applied to political behavior. The electoral competition theory hypothesizes that as the congressional majority margin decreases (gets more competitive), politicians will act in a more strategic & less partisan manner. This study examined the creation of new National Park units from 1934-2010 in the US, and found evidence in support of partisanship, electoral competition, and that presidential election years heightened the competitive behaviors of legislators. This suggests that the evolution of the parks system has been influenced by political interests and political gamesmanship. The third chapter explored in-group racial and ethnic heterogeneity among National Park visitors. Park visitation rates for minority visitors are low compared to white visitors. Teasing out the in-group heterogeneity of visitors provides park administrators with better information on which specific audience segments they are currently drawing to the parks. In this study three theories were tested to evaluate and compare the role of (a) cultural differences, (b) affluence and proximity, and (c) an integrated model that includes race, resources, geography, and lifestyles factors in specifying statistically relevant differences between and within groups. For the study, park visitor information was joined with psychographic and geo-demographic data. The results show that there is significant heterogeneity within racial or ethnic groups and the model with the strongest effect size is the integrated model that considers visitors in a broadest context, though each model provided insights about visitor heterogeneity. Also included was a sample of ways park administrators could apply the information from the study to develop targeted outreach and programming.

Defence date: 24 June 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Árpád Ábrahám, EUI, Supervisor; Professor Mikhail Golosov, Princeton University; Professor Dirk Krueger, University of Pennsylvania; Professor Ramon Marimon, EUI. ; How should we tax people's incomes? I address this question from three different angles. The first chapter describes the optimal income tax when people can hide earnings by working in a shadow economy. The second chapter examines the optimal taxation of employees when firms can insure their workers and help them avoid taxes. The final chapter shows that a basic income policy - an unconditional cash transfer to every citizen - can, under certain conditions, be justified on efficiency grounds. In 'Optimal Redistribution with a Shadow Economy', written jointly with Luis Rojas, we examine the constrained efficient allocations in the Mirrlees (1971) model with an informal sector. There are two labor markets: formal and informal. The planner observes only income from the formal market. We show that the shadow economy can be welfare improving through two channels. It can be used as a shelter against tax distortions, raising the efficiency of labor supply, and as a screening device, benefiting redistribution. We calibrate the model to Colombia, where 58% of workers are employed informally. The optimal share of shadow workers is close to 22% for the Rawlsian planner and less than 1% for the Utilitarian planner. Furthermore, we find that the optimal tax schedule is very different then the one implied by the Mirrlees (1971) model without the informal sector. New Dynamic Public Finance describes the optimal income tax in the economy without private insurance opportunities. In `Optimal Taxation with Permanent Employment Contracts' I extend this framework by introducing permanent employment contracts which facilitate insurance provision within firms. The optimal tax system becomes remarkably simple, as the government outsources most of the insurance provision to employers and focuses mainly on redistribution. When the government wants to redistribute to the poor, a dual labor market can be optimal. Less productive workers are hired on a fixed-term basis and are partially insured by the government, while the more productive ones enjoy the full insurance provided by the permanent employment. Such arrangement can be preferred, as it minimizes the tax avoidance of top earners. I provide empirical evidence consistent with the theory and characterize the constrained efficient allocations for Italy. When does paying a strictly positive compensation in every state of the world improves incentives to exert effort? In 'Minimal Compensation and Incentives for Effort' I show that in the typical model of moral hazard it happens only when the effort is a strict complement to consumption. If the cost of effort is monetary, a positive minimal compensation strengthens incentives only when the agent is prudent and always does so when the marginal utility of consumption is unbounded at zero consumption. I discuss potential applications of these results in personal income taxation. The minimal compensation can be interpreted as a basic income - an unconditional cash transfer to every citizen. Therefore, I provide an efficiency rationale for the basic income.

Introduction : For the last ten years in France, the health policy to fight against medical desertification has allowed significant growth in multi-skilled health home. The goal of this study is to identify the expectations of health professionals practicing in multi-skilled health home and determine whether the realities of the current situation in multi-skilled health home meet those expectations. The secondary objective is to identify potential improvements in multi-skilled health home organization and development. Methods : A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted among health professionals practicing in aquitaine multi-skilled health home single sites. Results: 17 health professionals were interviewed. Several professionals expressed only little expectations when first joining a multi-skilled health home. They explain that their expectations have come gradually. They wanted to work with other health professionals in a more coordinate manner and in a pleasant surrounding. They report a pleasant working environment due to the quality of work, a flexible time schedule, more diverse activities, the benefits of a joint secretariat and a friendly working place. However, they face some difficulties in dealing with coordination and sometimes support a higher operating cost in exchange for better working conditions. Discussion : The study shows that exercising in multi-skilled health home satisfies to a large extent health professionals. Some points still need to be improved in order to fulfill all their expectations such as managing coordination by creating a coordinator position, the means of remuneration by establishing an arbitral settlement and a shared information technology system through multi-business professional softwares. ; Introduction : Depuis une dizaine d'années en France, la politique de santé pour lutter contre la désertification médicale a permis une croissance importante des MSP. L'objectif de cette étude est d'identifier les attentes des professionnels de santé exerçant en MSP et de savoir si les réalités de l'exercice actuel y répondent. L'objectif secondaire est d'identifier les perspectives d'évolution de l'exercice en MSP. Méthode : Une étude qualitative par entretiens semi-dirigés a été réalisée auprès de professionnels de santé aquitains exerçant en MSP mono-sites. Résultats : 17 professionnels de santé ont été interrogés. Plusieurs professionnels expriment peu d'attentes initiales. Ils expliquent que leurs attentes sont venues progressivement. Ils souhaitaient exercer à plusieurs, de manière coordonnée dans un cadre agréable. Ils rapportent un exercice plaisant par la qualité de travail, le temps personnel dégagé, une activité plus variée, les avantages d'un secrétariat commun et des locaux agréables. Ils font face à certaines difficultés dans l'organisation de la coordination et constatent parfois un coût de fonctionnement plus important contrebalancé par des conditions de travail avantageuses. Discussion : L'étude montre que l'exercice en MSP répond en grande partie aux attentes des professionnels de santé. Certains points restent à améliorer afin de combler toutes leurs attentes comme l'organisation de la coordination en particulier par la création d'un poste de coordonnateur, le mode de rémunération notamment par la mise en place du règlement arbitral et les systèmes d'information partagés par l'intermédiaire de logiciels métiers pluri professionnels.

Abstrak Dampak peristiwa ekonomi pada era reformasi adalah daya beli masyarakat yang semakin menurun dikarenakan naiknya harga kebutuhan pokok. Dunia usaha juga mengalami dampak buruknya, terkait dengan hal tersebut pemerintah mengupayakan agar para pelaku bisnis tetap dapat menjalankan usahanya dengan menyediakan dana pinjaman. Salah satu syarat untuk memperoleh pinjaman tersebut adalah harus memiliki jaminan, menurut pasal 1 ayat (4) Undang-Undang No. 42 tahun 1999 tentang Fidusia, benda tidak berupa bangunan diatas tanah hak sewa dapat dijadikan obyek fidusia. Termasuk didalamnya adalah bangunan diatas tanah hak pakai dapat dijadikan obyek fidusia berdasar pasal 12 ayat (1b) Undang-Undang No. 16 Tahun 1985 Tentang rumah susun. Sehingga dipertanyakan tentang perlindungan hukum terhadap kreditur penerima fidusia jika debitur wanprestasi. Dan dapat diketahui bahwa berdasarkan pasal 12 ayat (1) dan pasal 13 Undang-Undang No. 16 Tahun 1985 Tentang Rumah Susun dan Pasal 15 ayat (2a) Undang-Undang No.4 Tahun 1992 Tentang Perumahan dan Pemukiman bangunan diatas tanah hak pakai dapat dijadikan obyek jaminan fidusia . Bangunan yang dapat dijadikan obyek jaminan fidusia adalah rumah susun yang dalam proses pembangunan. Rumah susun ini diterima sebagai obyek jaminan fidusia tanpa menjaminkan tanahnya. , karena rumah susun tersebut memiliki sertifikat tersendiri. Apabila debitur wanprestasi berdasar pasal 15 ayat (2) Undang-Undang Fidusia kreditur penerima Fidusia memiliki hak untuk menjual benda yang menjadi obyek jaminan fidusia dengan cara parate eksekusi. Kata kunci: perlindungan hukum, hak pakai, fidusia Abstract The impact of economic events in the reform era is that people's purchasing power has declined due to rising prices of basic necessities. The corporate world is also experiencing these negative impacts, related to the government to strive for the business person can still run their business by providing loan funds. One of the conditions for obtaining such loans is need to have a guarantee, according to article 1, paragraph (4) of Law No. 42 of 1999 on Fiduciary, the object is not the form of the building above ground lease rights can be the object of a fiduciary. Included are building on land use rights can be the object of a fiduciary under Article 12 paragraph (1b) of Law No. 16 Year 1985 About the flats. So the question of legal protection against creditors of the fiduciary recipient if the debtor defaults. And it is known that pursuant to Article 12 paragraph (1) and article 13 of Law No. 16 1985 On Flats and Article 15 (2a) of Act 4 of 1992 on Housing and Residential buildings on the land use rights can be the object of fiduciary. The building that can be the object of fiduciary are flats in the development process. This apartment is accepted as an object of fiduciary without land offers. , Because the apartment has its own certificate. If the debtor defaults under Article 15 paragraph (2) of Law Fiduciary Fiduciary receiver creditor has the right to sell the objects that become the object of fiduciary manner of execution parate. Keywords: legal protection, right to use, fiduciary

Although, as Robert Gordon observes, many critics view Harold Pinter's political plays as simply didactic (163), his radical drama Mountain Language resists this perceived didacticism. This political play offers a nuanced understanding of how fascist bureaucracies manipulate language to authorize and authenticate violence against political subjects and how these subjects utilize language to resist governmental oppression. Employing Walter Benjamin's theory that fascist states aestheticize politics, this essay argues that the fascist bureaucracy of Mountain Language aestheticizes language to justify and conceal its violence. In Mountain Language, anthropomorphism and offensive humor construct a dehumanizingly fascist aestheticization of language. Raymond Williams concept of an effective dominant culture, one which organizes a lived set of dominant meanings and values (38), illuminates the extreme extent to which the fascist government of the play dominates the lives of its citizens, both banning their native tongue and using names to regulate political agency. Homi K. Bhabha's theory of a Third Space of negotiation between two subjects illuminates the plays use of metatheatrical techniques, particularly voice-over, as a means of asserting the capacity for language to promote love and empathy as easily as the state uses language to justify its violence. Voice-over dialogue between family members imparts the liberating power of language. Negotiating the Third Space created by the play's voice-overs, spectators witness the power of their political agency to create new social realities. Because individuals cannot escape language, they must find a way to transform this mechanism of their oppression into one of their liberation. While Mountain Language cannot simply teach audiences what political actions to take, the play provides useful suggestions for initiating effective political action. In a social reality presenting fascist tendencies, achieving political action founded on community is no easy task, but Mountain Language proposes that it constructs a powerful political mechanism. This essay challenges the assumption of many Pinter critics that Pinter's political plays are less worthy of critical attention than his other plays, and advances the trend of the majority of discourse on his play Mountain Language in particular beyond mere plot summary and generalizations about violent totalitarian states. Works Referenced Benjamin, Walter. "The Work of Art in the Age of its Technological Reproducibility." The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, 2nd ed. Vincent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie A. Finke, Barbara E. Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, eds. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2010. pp. 1051-71. Print. Bhabha, Homi K. "The Commitment to Theory." The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, 2nd ed. Vincent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie A. Finke, Barbara E. Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, eds. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2010. pp. 2353-72. Print. Gordon, Robert. Harold Pinter: The Theatre of Power. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 2012. Print. Williams, Raymond. "Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory." Culture and Materialism. London: Verso, 1980. 31-49. Print.

BACKGROUND: Several years in advance of the 2015 endpoint for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Malawi was already thought to be one of the few countries in sub-Saharan Africa likely to meet the MDG 4 target of reducing under-5 mortality by two-thirds between 1990 and 2015. Countdown to 2015 therefore selected the Malawi National Statistical Office to lead an in-depth country case study, aimed mainly at explaining the country's success in improving child survival. METHODS: We estimated child and neonatal mortality for the years 2000-14 using five district-representative household surveys. The study included recalculation of coverage indicators for that period, and used the Lives Saved Tool (LiST) to attribute the child lives saved in the years from 2000 to 2013 to various interventions. We documented the adoption and implementation of policies and programmes affecting the health of women and children, and developed estimates of financing. FINDINGS: The estimated mortality rate in children younger than 5 years declined substantially in the study period, from 247 deaths (90% CI 234-262) per 1000 livebirths in 1990 to 71 deaths (58-83) in 2013, with an annual rate of decline of 5·4%. The most rapid mortality decline occurred in the 1-59 months age group; neonatal mortality declined more slowly (from 50 to 23 deaths per 1000 livebirths), representing an annual rate of decline of 3·3%. Nearly half of the coverage indicators have increased by more than 20 percentage points between 2000 and 2014. Results from the LiST analysis show that about 280,000 children's lives were saved between 2000 and 2013, attributable to interventions including treatment for diarrhoea, pneumonia, and malaria (23%), insecticide-treated bednets (20%), vaccines (17%), reductions in wasting (11%) and stunting (9%), facility birth care (7%), and prevention and treatment of HIV (7%). The amount of funding allocated to the health sector has increased substantially, particularly to child health and HIV and from external sources, but remains below internationally agreed targets. Key policies to address the major causes of child mortality and deliver high-impact interventions at scale throughout Malawi began in the late 1990s and intensified in the latter half of the 2000s and into the 2010s, backed by health-sector-wide policies to improve women's and children's health. INTERPRETATION: This case study confirmed that Malawi had achieved MDG 4 for child survival by 2013. Our findings suggest that this was achieved mainly through the scale-up of interventions that are effective against the major causes of child deaths (malaria, pneumonia, and diarrhoea), programmes to reduce child undernutrition and mother-to-child transmission of HIV, and some improvements in the quality of care provided around birth. The Government of Malawi was among the first in sub-Saharan Africa to adopt evidence-based policies and implement programmes at scale to prevent unnecessary child deaths. Much remains to be done, building on this success and extending it to higher proportions of the population and targeting continued high neonatal mortality rates. FUNDING: Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, WHO, The World Bank, Government of Australia, Government of Canada, Government of Norway, Government of Sweden, Government of the UK, and UNICEF.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how recent trends in Australian aid expenditure align with the literature on aid effectiveness through a quantitative analysis of time-series data on Australian aid flows. The Australian aid program has experienced rapid expansion over the past decade. Recent announcements from the Coalition government, however, have brought this period of unprecedented growth to an end. For this reason, foreign aid as a transfer of resources from rich countries to relatively poorer countries becomes an even more limited resource and hence its effectiveness is crucial in achieving better development outcomes. A literature review was conducted in order to establish a framework of aid effectiveness that is directly controlled by donors and on the objectives which frames donors' decisions for recipients. Four key areas of aid effectiveness are selected to form a background analysis. These are aid delivery channels, geographic scope of aid allocation, aid fragmentation and aid volatility. An overview of the current Australian aid program, its objective and a review of how different reforms and policies fit into the framework are presented. The analysis is divided into separate case studies looking at individual aspects of what makes Australian aid at the macro-level 'effective'. These case studies are compared against the aid effectiveness framework based on the literature review. Three data sources were examined and these include: Australia's International Development Assistance: Statistical Summary (Green Book); AusAID Budget documents (known as the blue book) and the OECD DAC aid databases. An analysis of multiple case studies shows that overall the effectiveness of the Australian aid program could be improved and some parts of the aid effectiveness agenda are regressing. Specifically, fragmentation, the process of donating aid to many countries rather than focusing on a select few has increased in Australia. However, this fragmentation has been offset, until recently, by an associated increase funding to the aid program. Geographic scope associated with historical ties and regional expertise is pertinent to Australia's decisions to allocate the majority of its aid to its immediate neighbouring, predominately, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea (PNG). The ability to control aid programs in recipient countries and align them with Australia's own national interests significantly influences Australia's decision to deliver aid through a bilateral channel. In the context of other donors, Australia fairs reasonably well, it is selective in allocating aid to different sectors. Its emphasis is on governance sector sectors which promote long-term development outcomes within recipient countries and thus creates a stable area to enable effective aid. Australia also allocates a large portion of their aid to their significant recipients resulting in aid being a reliable source of finance to these countries. Australia could improves its aid program by delivering more aid through multilateral channels and be more selective in recipient countries. The recent change in government has led to a change in the objective of the Australian aid program; the implications will be detrimental to the effectiveness of its aid.

The concept of "collective enunciation," which Deleuze and Guattari propose in delineating their idea of minor literature/cinema, remains regrettably underdeveloped for the purpose of exploring the political investment of a given film. In the context of cinema, the concept designates the possibility of attaining a collective voice in film under a set of negative conditions, such as the crisis of a private poetics and the objective disintegration of the category of the "people," through the transformation of both parties involved in these conditions, the author and real characters as her people. In this way, it becomes possible to imagine the political dimension of a film in such a way that goes beyond the merely thematic treatment of political issues. In the end, this refers to the politics of what is called minor cinema. This paper reflects on the place of such a politics in the cinema of two contemporary Turkish cinematographers, Zeki Demirkubuz and Nuri Bilge Ceylan, who are rarely imagined as political filmmakers. It proposes a theoretical framework which enables reading their films as two different aesthetic responses formulated within cinema against the fragmentation of what made the classical political cinema possible: the "people." For this purpose, it is necessary to show that Gilles Deleuze's concept of "missing people" or "minorities," which made modern political cinema possible according to Deleuze, is not restricted to the historical period chosen by him. The paper demonstrates that an analysis of certain aspects of Ceylan's and Demirkubuz's films, such as real characters, formation in series, national allegory, autobiography, interiors and outdoor landscapes, warrants an understanding of the work of these two authors as instances of a second generation, minor political cinema. ; Deleuze ve Guattari'nin minör edebiyat/sinema fikrini açıklamak için ortaya attıkları "kolektif bildirim" kavramından, verili bir filmin siyasi katmanlarını araştırmak için yeterince yararlanılmadı. Bu kavram sinema baŞlamında, yazarın kendini içinde bulduŞu kişisel bir dil yokluŞu krizi ile "halk" kategorisinin nesnel olarak zayıflayıp parçalanmaya yüz tutması gibi olumsuz koşullar içinde kollektif bir söze ulaşabilme olasılıŞını anlatır. Öyle ki, bu olasılıŞın gerçekleşmesi sözkonusu koşullara tâbi olan iki tarafın da (hem sanatçı hem de sanatçının halkı olarak gerçek hayattan oyuncu) başkalaşması demektir. Böylece bir filmin siyasi boyutunu sadece siyasi meselelerin konu edildiŞi tematik bir sinema anlayışının ötesinde düşünmek mümkündür. Sonuçta minör sinema diye adlandırılan da bu tür bir kollektif söz siyasetiyle belirlenir. Bu yazı, pek de siyasi sinema örneŞi olarak görülmeyen Zeki Demirkubuz ve Nuri Bilge Ceylan filmlerinde işleyen bu türden bir siyasetin yeri üzerine düşünmeye çalışıyor. Burada önerilen kuramsal çerçeveye göre Demirkubuz ve Ceylan sineması, klasik siyasi sinemayı olanaklı kılmış "halk" kategorisinin parçalanması karşısında geliştirilmiş farklı iki estetik cevap olarak görülebilir. Bu sorunsalı açmak için Deleuze'ün "kayıp halk" ya da "azınlıklar" kavramına başvurarak bu kavramların Deleuze'ce uygulandıŞı tarihsel dönem dışında da geçerli olduŞunu gösteriyoruz. Yazı, Demirkubuz ve Ceylan'da rastlanan profesyonel olmayan oyuncular, serileşme, ulusal alegori, otobiyografik öŞeler, iç mekânlar ile dış manzaralar gibi bazı özelliklerden yola çıkan bir analizin bu sinemacıların ikinci kuşak, minör bir siyasi sinemanın örnekleri olduŞunu gösterebileceŞini iddia ediyor.