AbstractThis article consists of a comparative study of the basic principles underlying the rules of jurisdiction in private international law in commercial cases in the law of the European Union, the United States and England. It considers the objectives which these rules seek to achieve (protection of the rights of the parties and respect for the interests of foreign States) and the extent to which these objectives are attained. It takes tort claims, especially in the field of products-liability, as an example and considers which system has the most exorbitant rules. It suggests explanations for the differences found.
On balance, there is a single-minded optimism in the 1992 debate when it comes to effects on the developing world. Although the LDCs are informed about the 1992 discussion, they have no say in it. If the integrated Europe turns out to be just a publicity stunt, they will have lost nothing. (SJK)
Increasing the level of labour participation is one of the key objectives of the European Employment Strategy and the Lisbon agenda. Increasing the employment rate is generally considered crucially important to safeguarding the sustainability of the welfare state and achieving a number of other socio-economic objectives. This article examines the extent to which higher employment does result in lower unemployment, lower poverty rates, decreased dependence on social security and reductions in public expenditures on social protection. To this end, a decomposition analysis is performed concerning the evolution of the unemployment rate, poverty rate, benefit recipiency rate and social expenditure rate in the 15 original EU member states and the United States since the 1980s. Results of this analysis show that, in many cases, the favourable effects of increases in employment are partially (and sometimes even fully) offset by simultaneous changes in other variables, including labour supply, eligibility criteria, benefit generosity and the concentration of non-working people in work-poor households. The article concludes that increasing the employment rate is not a panacea for all socio-economic ills. European social policy should therefore focus less one-sidedly on employment and should address additional objectives, including benefit generosity and poverty. In addition, the process of benchmarking in the EU should be transformed from its current top-down character to one which proceeds from the bottom up.
As several Western Balkans countries aspire to become members of the European Union (EU) in the (near) future, it is interesting to explore to what extent EU territorial trends are adopted in both the official national regulations and spatial planning practice. To do so, we: 1) screen EU territorial policies to elucidate the trends and principles of territorial development, 2) analyse the contents of spatial plans in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 3) compare the practical application of the principles such as decentralisation, diffusion of power, subsidiarity, multi-actorship, synergy, transparency, citizen participation, coordinated action (among various disciplinary bodies), and holistic strategies. The findings show the ineffectiveness of declaratively adopted EU territorial trends against place-based territorial policy approaches.
As several Western Balkans countries aspire to become members of the European Union (EU) in the (near) future, it is interesting to explore to what extent EU territorial trends are adopted in both the official national regulations and spatial planning practice. To do so, we: 1) screen EU territorial policies to elucidate the trends and principles of territorial development, 2) analyse the contents of spatial plans in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 3) compare the practical application of the principles such as decentralisation, diffusion of power, subsidiarity, multi-actorship, synergy, transparency, citizen participation, coordinated action (among various disciplinary bodies), and holistic strategies. The findings show the ineffectiveness of declaratively adopted EU territorial trends against place-based territorial policy approaches.
As several Western Balkans countries aspire to become members of the European Union (EU) in the (near) future, it is interesting to explore to what extent EU territorial trends are adopted in both the official national regulations and spatial planning practice. To do so, we: 1) screen EU territorial policies to elucidate the trends and principles of territorial development, 2) analyse the contents of spatial plans in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 3) compare the practical application of the principles such as decentralisation, diffusion of power, subsidiarity, multi-actorship, synergy, transparency, citizen participation, coordinated action (among various disciplinary bodies), and holistic strategies. The findings show the ineffectiveness of declaratively adopted EU territorial trends against place-based territorial policy approaches.
Increasingly, research on attitudes towards the European project focuses on transnational practices. This article furthers the transnational approach by offering the first systematic analysis of how domestic transnationalism – i.e. transnational practices conducted in the home country – influences the formation of pro-European sentiments. We argue that domestic transnational activities foster recognition of common, transnational interests and identities that support the European integration project. Using a 2013 Eurobarometer, we show the distinct need to pay attention to domestic transnationalism. Individuals engaging in more domestic transnational activities display more pro-European sentiments in four of our five dependent variables. Moreover, the effect of domestic transnationalism is particularly intense among less-educated citizens.
This article offers an overview and reconsideration of the idea of European demoicracy in the context of the current crisis. It defines 'demoicracy' as 'a Union of peoples, understood both as states and as citizens, who govern together but not as one', and argues that the concept is best understood as a third way, distinct from both national and supranational versions of single demos polities. The concept of 'demoicracy' can serve both as an analytical lens for the European Union-as-is and as a normative benchmark, but one which cannot simply be inferred from its praxis. Instead, the article deploys a 'normative-inductive' approach according to which the EU's normative core -- transnational non-domination and transnational mutual recognition -- is grounded on what the EU still seeks to escape. Such norms need to be protected and perfected if the EU is to live up to its demoicratic nature. The article suggests ten tentative guiding principles for the EU to continue turning these norms into practice. Adapted from the source document.
The importance of financial flows to and from the EU budget is widely recognized because contributions to the EU budget and payments from it undoubtedly influence not only the expenditures and revenues of the national budget, but also the priorities of national policy and the whole economy of the country. But the level of the EU financial assistance depends mainly on the EU budget structure: its size, main budget financing principles and the priorities Europe has chosen. The structure of the current EU budget was formed in 1987, when the European Commission submitted its different proposals on every category of the EU budget expenditure and its own resources system. Twenty years passed, and Europe has changed dramatically: the number of EU member states increased from 12 to 27, new priorities as well as new problems that which can be solved at the EU level only have appeared. Therefore Europe's policies and their financing need to evolve new priorities. The first public step in the process of the reform of all aspects of EU spending and resources was made in September 2007 by the European Commission through the publication of the Consultation paper on the EU budget reform, The aim of this consultation is to determine the structure and direction of the European Union's spending priorities to meet the challenges of the globalized world in the next decade and beyond.The present EU budget comprises five headings which seem to fully correspond to the priorities of modem Europe because it reflects the main and most up-ta-date European policies. However, facts show that the EU budget is a historical relic because the biggest part of the EU expenditure goes on supporting the agricultural sector whose economic significance is declining and therefore it cannot contribute to growth in Europe. Moreover, the major part of the EU structural funds is allocated to high income countries and makes it impossible for lowincome countries to catch up with the rest. Therefore, the EU claim to become a modem, dynamic and competitive knowledge economy requires to review its budget priorities and structure to finance first those economic and social areas where it is best able to make a contribution to the growth and solidarity in Europe.The European Commission started the EU budget review process with the Consultation paper which invited all actors at all levels to participate in a frank debate on future challenges and to decide how the EU spending can be focused on where it can generate the highest benefit Member states participating in these debates have a perfect opportunity to rethink and distinguish new national priorities. In the process of discussion in Lithuania, it is also important to combine national and European interests as well as to reach an agreement internally: to combine sectoral and national interests and to find a balance between different actors participating in this discussion.In the course of discussion on the EU budget review, it is vital to remember that a higher level of financing does not necessarily ensures better results on the EU level. It is also important to decide whether it is easier to achieve the EU goals by increasing the level of financing or by intensifying the control or improving the regulation. Its is even more import ant to find a reasonable balance between the volume of financing and the European value added. ; Europos Sąjungos (ES) biudžetas yra svarbus Lietuvos ekonomikos augimo variklis ir nemažų lėšų šaltinis. Tačiau keičiantis situacijai Europoje ir visame pasaulyje, turėtų keistis ir Europos prioritetai, kartu ES biudžetas. Ateityje Lietuvos iš Europos Sąjungos gaunamos paramos dydis labiausiai priklausys nuo peržiūrėto ES biudžeto struktūros, jo sudarymo ir išlaidų skirstymo principų. Todėl, nenorėdama likti nuošalyje, Lietuva turėtų aktyviai dalyvauti ES biuždeto peržiūroje ir taip prisidėti prie ateities biudžetų kūrimo. ES biudžeto reforma jau prasidėjo ir šiame reformos etape Lietuvai ir kitoms valstybėms narėms svarbu nuspręsti, kokią Europą norime matyti ateityje, kokiais svarbiausiais principais turėtų būti remiamasi nustatant ES politikos prioritetus ir kaip nauji prioritetai turėtų būti atspindėti Europos Sąjungos biudžeto struktūroje.Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama ES biudžeto reformos problema, kuri yra aktuali ir Lietuvai, nes neabejotinai turės įtakos šalies ekonomikai ir ūkio plėtrai, apžvelgiama ES biudžeto raida nuo 7965 m. iki šių dienų, analizuojama, kaip keitėsi biudžeto santykinis dydis ir struktūra. Straipsnyje aptariama dabartinio ES biudžeto struktūra ir pagrindžiama šio biudžeto reformos būtinybė. Vienas iš sudėtingiausių ES biudžeto reformos aspektų - skirti ES lėšas ten, kur jos duos realios naudos visai Europai, todėl straipsnyje bandoma išryškinti bendrus principus, kuriais turėtų būti vadovaujamasi vertinant ES politikos prioritetus ir reformuojant ES biudžetą.
Sweden has made its labour market more open for labour immigration since the mid1990s: becoming member of the common labour market of EES/EU in 1994, no transitional rules introduced at the enlargement of European Union in 2004 and 2007, and opening up for labour migration from non-EES/EU countries in December 2008. The changes have led to increased labour immigration. The labour immigration expanded for example after the enlargement in 2004 but not so much as in for example the United Kingdom and Ireland. Other forms of immigration have been more important. On the other hand, the migration has been rather stable in the years after the crisis in 2008. The main explanation is most likely that the recession in Sweden was only for one year, 2009, and that it was concentrated to some parts of the manufacturing industry where few migrant workers were employed. If the present EMU crisis is spreading to Sweden the result may of course be different.
