Suchergebnisse

For thisinnovative study, the first situating organized crime in the debate on state formation, Alexander Kupatadze interviewed over one hundred respondents including criminals, law enforcement officials, and politicians in post-Soviet Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan to map the divergent patterns of organized crime in these countries following their Coloured Revolutions. Drawing upon unique case studies of criminal activity, the authortraces the thin line dividing the licit and illicit spheres, or 'upper' and 'under' economic and political worlds. Kupatadze argues that state formation in post-Soviet Eurasia has been heavily marked by struggle for the dominance between political elites and organized crime groups that involved various forms of contention and collaboration. In reassessing the nature of state criminalization, Kupatadze introduces three dimensions of the state that determine the patterns of dominance: political-coercive, economic-taxation and ideological-informational. He distills the variables surrounding organized crime into contextual (geography, regional wars) and intermediate (related with the Coloured Revolutions such as participation of civil society, resources of competing political groups). This work is an important contribution to the study of organized criminality and state formation.

"Crime: The Illicit Global Political Economy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Mandated political representation over the last twenty years has had a different impact on the reporting of crime by the low castes than what is observed for the reporting of crime by women. I exploit the timing of the implementation of mandated political representation of the low castes to examine its effect on crime reports by these people. Mandated political representation of the low castes in India appears to affect the declaration of crime only for two very specific crime categories: identity-based crimes and murders. The increase in identity-based crimes (based on caste) is consistent either with better recording of existing crimes, or an increase in the incidence of committed crimes. The evolution of murders, which according to most specifications have increased after the implementation of political representation, is only consistent with an increase in incidence. This is all the more worrisome, given that the introduction of exclusive special courts, which were meant to further empower the low castes to report identity-based crimes, has not had the desired effect. A comforting observation is that crime disclosures do not increase during electoral years, contradicting the qualitative literature which points to incidents concerning reserved seats during elections. Nevertheless, mandated political representation has not had as strong an effect in giving voice to the low castes as has been documented earlier for women.

Die Untersuchung hat gezeigt, dass ältere Menschen - wie in den weitaus meisten Kriminalitätsfeldern - auch im Bereich der polizeilich registrierten Tötungsdelikte weniger gefährdet sind als jüngere Erwachsene. Zwei Ausnahmen verdienen Erwähnung. Bei von der Polizei als Morde in Zusammenhang mit Raubdelikten klassifizierten Fällen weisen ältere Menschen - und hier vor allem die Männer - von allen Altersgruppen das höchste Viktimisierungsrisiko auf. Auch als Opfer fahrlässiger Tötungen werden Ältere häufiger kriminalstatistisch erfasst als Jüngere. In diesem Deliktsbereich ist vor allem das Viktimisierungsrisiko der älteren Frauen erhöht. Explorative Analysen von Fallberichten deuten darauf hin, dass fahrlässige Tötung oft im Kontext von Krankenhäusern und stationären Altenpflegeeinrichtungen angenommen wird. (RO)

The contributions in this volume offer a comprehensive analysis of transitional justice from 1945 to the present. They focus on retribution against the leaders and agents of the autocratic regime preceding the democratic transition, and on reparation to its victims. Part I contains general theoretical discussions of retribution and reparation. The essays in Part II survey transitional justice in the wake of World War II, covering Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Norway. In Part III, the contributors discuss more recent transitions in Argentina, Chile, Eastern Europe, the former German Democratic Republic, and South Africa, including a chapter on the reparation of injustice in some of these transitions. The editor provides a general introduction, brief introductions to each part, and a conclusion that looks beyond regime transitions to broader issues of rectifying historical injustice

1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. ; Broadside. ; Attributed to Thomas Pilkington. cf. Wing.

Guatemala has been struggling in its road towards consolidated democracy since the mid-80s when its first democratic government was elected. Internal conflict is no rare occurrence in a country which civil war ended relatively recently, in 1996, and lasted over 30 years. Today, while Guatemala's economy is the largest of Central America, inequality, poverty and social exclusion – particularly of indigenous people, are rife. Organized crime is also a prevalent concern and an imminent threat to the rule of law. Criminal investigations have evidenced how public institutions and policies are compromised by a rotten political finance system with pervasive links with drug trafficking structures. This paper (1) analyzes the legislative framework (and its implementation) for political financing in Guatemala; (2) identifies how organized crime uses those gaps to filter dirty money in politics, and, more generally, in public life; and (3) pinpoints priority areas for sustainable reform.

The article discusses one of the types of crimes, specifically political crimes. It emphasizes that the research remains relevant and significant in democratic countries. While conditions have been created in such countries to reduce the factors that lead to political crimes, the occurrence of such crimes has not been completely eliminated. The study aims to clarify the characteristics of contemporary political crimes. The author points out that despite the long history of research into this phenomenon, there is still no universally accepted definition for the concept of "political crime." In most definitions of political crime, these crimes are typically associated with the pursuit, maintenance, and use of power. The article focuses on the main issues that currently pique the interest of researchers analyzing political crimes, and it presents a classification based on the subjects and objects of these crimes. Studying both the individuals who commit political crimes and their victims is crucial to understanding the specificities of these crimes. The article draws attention to the fact that labeling actions within the political sphere as "criminal" is contingent upon various factors, including systems of values, established norms and regulations, societal norms, and the influence of media on public awareness. Trust in authorities and their legitimacy also plays a role. Furthermore, the article presents models that demonstrate shifts in attitudes towards revolutions, uprisings, and the reassessment of actions that were once considered "criminal." These shifts can be attributed to changes in the political and social systems. The author highlights that these alterations could be linked to transformations in the political and social systems.