Suchergebnisse

Using 2015 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) data on 38,179 individuals from 36 countries in 9 relatively homogeneous global regions, we analyze the gender differences and the gender gap in perceived workplace harassment (PWH) with particular attention to gender equality's and gender egalitarianism's roles in molding these differences. We find that despite large regional differences, women in most countries are more likely than men to perceive workplace harassment, although this likelihood is higher in countries that score favorably on our gender equality measures. Hence, political empowerment and better economic opportunities alter women's perceptions of workplace harassment, increasing the probability of their experiencing it. Our results also underscore the important roles of values and gender egalitarian practices. Whereas enhanced gender egalitarianism values increase women's perceptions of workplace harassment, concrete practices tend to reduce them. Especially for management, this result highlights the importance of actually implementing gender equality policies at a corporate level, because a discrepancy between corporate values and practices on this issue will only accentuate the perception of harassment.

Abstract
This article examines how the Turkish political elites have responded to the uneven geographical distribution of physicians. This has been a chronic problem in health care provision, with physicians concentrated in the urban areas of western Anatolia at the cost of rural areas and the east, especially the Kurdish southeast. Successive Turkish governments have employed compulsory service laws as major policy tools to tackle this distribution problem. Legislative discussions about these laws have revolved around the idea of a unitary Turkey, the Turkish nation, and how to close the gap between the idealized imaginary of these and the defective reality. Drawing on Kojin Karatani's mode-of-exchange framework, this study examines the legislative process on the distribution problem through the history of the post-Ottoman republic to the present. It identifies Turkish nationalism centered on state and on commodity exchange as two variants giving shape to the response to the problem. This analysis also contributes to our understanding of the weakness of social citizenship in Turkey. It is argued that Turkish nationalism—specifically, its state-centered version—operates by interpellating Turkish citizens as indebted to the nation-state, thereby hindering the development of the notion of the rights-bearing citizen.

In his 1978 essay in this journal, Robert E. Gallman praised but also criticized my work on the "egalitarian myth," arguing that it had not in fact "dealt a death blow to the 'egalitarian hypothesis'" (1978:194). In my response the following year, I tried to show that his criticism was based in large part on a misreading of what I had written, attributing to me "statements I had never made and viewpoints I do not hold." He thus had created "an elaborate model to refute a point that I had not made" (1979a: 208). Although I argued that his overall criticism was invalid, primarily because it was not based on "germane historical evidence," I closed by praising the "admirably reasoned spirit that infuses Professor Gallman's essay," praise I publicly repeated in the American Historical Review (1979a: 224, 1980b: 1163).

In his recent essay in this journal on my writings on the "egalitarian myth," Robert E. Gallman is kind enough to express admiration for "the scope of Pessen's empirical undertaking, the skill and ingenuity with which he carried it out, his learning, and his grasp of his materials." If praise from any source is sweet, praise from so admired a scholar as Professor Gallman is doubly sweet. Yet, "one may doubt," he continues, that I have "in fact dealt a death blow to the egalitarian hypothesis." Criticism, while not nearly so pleasing, alas, is to be expected, particularly for work such as mine that challenges a most influential, durable, and still popular thesis and challenges it on the basis of admittedly partial data. Scholarly disagreement on important issues is of course inevitable. For, as Peter M. Blau and Otis D. Duncan have observed, even collaborators in a joint study will interpret their data differently. I have taken pen in hand and availed myself of the opportunity graciously afforded me by a managing editor of Social Science History to publish my "observations on Gallman's essay," not because that essay criticizes my work but because a number of its references to my work are misleading and inaccurate.

Provides unique insight into Reconstruction's downfall and Jim Crow's emergence.In the years and decades following the American Civil War, veteran abolitionists actively thought and wrote about the campaign to end enslavement immediately. This study explores the late-in-life reflections of several antislavery memorial and historical writers, evaluating the stable and shifting meanings of antebellum abolitionism amidst dramatic changes in postbellum race relations. By investigating veteran abolitionists as movement chroniclers and commemorators and situating their texts within various contexts, Raymond James Krohn further assesses the humanitarian commitments of activists who had valued themselves as the enslaved people's steadfast friends.Never solely against slavery, post-1830 abolitionism challenged widely held anti-Black preju­dices as well. Dedicated to emancipating the enslaved and elevating people of color, it equipped adherents with the necessary linguistic resources to wage a valiant, sustained philanthropic fight. Abolitionist Twilights focuses on how the status and condition of the freedpeople and their descen­dants affected book-length representations of antislavery persons and events. In probing veteran– abolitionist engagement in or disengagement from an ongoing African American freedom struggle, this ambitious volume ultimately problematizes scholarly understandings of abolitionism's racial justice history and legacy