Suchergebnisse

The themes of religion and politics and their relation in human societies have been a major subject for Cardinal Bernardin. He discussed them widely as a bishop and as a citizen, in the Conference of American Bishops, at universities – where he delivered speeches – among the believers of his archdiocese. As people of faith and citizens of all countries, we find that his questions are our questions too, his analysis is worth reading and studying. Does a separation of Church and State – as it can be seen in our Western culture – offer better ground to carry on two‐level policies, or is it better to have them both administered by a same body, as it happens in Muslim countries? In which ways can church and state cooperate and help each other? What is the role that we have to perform as Christians when called to give our contribution in the political life? This and much more finds extensive explanation in Bernardin's approach.

En este trabajo propongo una interpretación de las obras de Pedro Ribadeneyra, Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, Pedro Barbosa Homen, Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Baltasar Gracian y José Alfonso Lancina. En la primera parte sostengo que Ribadeneyra y Álamos establecen los dos polos entre los cuales se mueve el pensamiento político español. Ambos defienden el sistema monárquico y entienden que la política está subordinada espiritualmente a la religión, pero se diferencian porque el primero propone una rearticulación ortodoxa de la política a la moral y las obligaciones religiosas, mientras que el segundo asume de manera clara el realismo político y le confiere una plena autonomía a la razón de Estado. En la segunda y la tercera parte aspiro a demostrar que Barbosa, Saavedra y Gracián toman como punto de partida una perspectiva cercana a la de Ribadeneyra, pero le confieren una progresiva autonomía a la política y establecen una secularización gradual del pensamiento sobre el Estado. En esa línea, Lancina finalmente separa la política de la moral, aunque sin abandonar la subordinación espiritual a Dios. En la última parte establezco una serie de reflexiones sobre las indagaciones de los autores en relación con los problemas jurisdiccionales entre el Estado y la Iglesia. A partir de esta última cuestión, concluyo que el pensamiento político español es una forma de reflexionar y sostener intelectualmente la monarquía de los Habsburgo. ; In this paper, I propose an interpretation of the works of Pedro Ribadeneyra, Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, Pedro Barbosa Homen, Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Baltasar Gracian and José Alfonso Lancina. In the first part I argue that Ribadeneyra and Alamos are the two poles between which the Spanish political thought moves. Both defend the monarchical system and understand that politics is spiritually subordinated to religion. However, they differ because Ribadeneyra proposes an orthodox re-articulation of politics to moral and religious obligations, while Álamos clearly assumes political realism and gives full autonomy to the reason of state. In the second and the third part I intend to demonstrate that Barbosa, Saavedra and Gracian take as their starting point ideas similar to that of Ribadeneyra, but they propose a progressive autonomy and secularization of politics. In that vein, Lancina finally separates politics from morality, but without abandoning the spiritual subordination to God. In the last part, I analyze the opinions of the authors on the links between the State and the Church. Based on this question, I conclude that the Spanish political thought is a way to reflect and strengthen the Habsburg monarchy

Jean-Marie Mayeur, La question laïque (XIXe–XXe siècle) (Paris: Fayard, 1997), 239 pp., 95 FF. IBSN 2–213–60013–9.Etienne Fouilloux, Les chrétiens français entre crise et libération (1937–1947) (Paris: Seuil, 1997), 293 pp, 130 FF. ISBN 2–020–28131–7.Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), 300 pp., £15.95. ISBN 0–8014–8320–4.Emiel Lamberts, ed., Christian Democracy in the European Union (1945–1995) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1997), 511 pp. ISBN 9–061–86808–4.'Christians and political life' (taking the latter term in its widest sense) is a theme which continues to attract a great deal of interest among contemporary historians, in terms of both detailed research and broader surveys. René Rémond and Aline Coutrot demonstrated the interconnectedness of the two domains of religion and politics when they abandoned the restricted subject of relations between states and the Roman Catholic church and initiated the study of religion as an integral part of history, and the social sciences, as a whole. Approaches since 1966 have been greatly modified, as shown by the treatment of the material in the four works now to be reviewed.

AbstractForeign aid allocations represent one of several important economic policy tools used by governments to realize their foreign policy objectives. Using a conjoint survey of respondents in the United States, this paper shows that recipient country religion is a significant determinant of individual-level foreign aid preferences. In particular, respondents express a preference for giving to Christian-majority countries in contrast to Muslim- or Buddhist-majority countries. This effect is comparable with that of other important determinants of support for foreign aid, such as a country's status as a U.S. ally or trade partner. Importantly, the preference for Christian recipient countries is especially pronounced among Christian, and most notably Evangelical Christian, respondents. This paper explores two potential mechanisms for the effect of religion: country religion as a heuristic and an individual-level preference for giving to co-religionists.

Contents -- About the Authors -- Introduction \ Jean Reith Schroedel and Steven Brint -- Part I. Christian Conservatives and Partisan Politics -- Chapter 1. A Global Perspective: U.S. Exceptionalism (Again?) \ Pippa Norris -- Chapter 2. Interests, Values, and Party Identification between 1972 and 2006 \ Michael Hout and Andrew Greeley -- Chapter 3. Voting Your Values \ Wayne E. Baker and Connie J. Boudens -- Chapter 4. Moral-Values Politics: The Emergence of an Electoral System \ Steven Brint and Seth Abrutyn -- Part II. Discourses of Mobilization and Public Reason

Much scholarly attention has been given to the vast differences in understandings of theism throughout the history of the theological tradition. Rather less attention has been given to differences in understandings of atheism. That there are and have been such differences, however, is obvious. This may be seen in the contemporary context if we juxtapose the 'newly visible' atheisms of, for instance, Richard Dawkins and Slavoj Žižek. In previous work, I and several other scholars have drawn attention to the ways in which the existence of different forms of atheism may be explained by the fact that they are responding to and negating very different forms of theism. But there may well be more at stake in differences between atheisms than this.