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Corruption is increasingly recognized as a preeminent problem in the developing world. Bribery, extortion, fraud, kickbacks, and collusion have resulted in retarded economies, predator elites, and political instability. In this lively and absorbing book, Robert Klitgaard provides a framework for designing anti-corruption policies, and describes through five case studies how courageous policymakers were able to control corruption

We examine how six search engines filter and rank information in relation to the queries on the U.S. 2020 presidential primary elections under the default—that is nonpersonalized—conditions. For that, we utilize an algorithmic auditing methodology that uses virtual agents to conduct large-scale analysis of algorithmic information curation in a controlled environment. Specifically, we look at the text search results for "us elections," "donald trump," "joe biden," "bernie sanders" queries on Google, Baidu, Bing, DuckDuckGo, Yahoo, and Yandex, during the 2020 primaries. Our findings indicate substantial differences in the search results between search engines and multiple discrepancies within the results generated for different agents using the same search engine. It highlights that whether users see certain information is decided by chance due to the inherent randomization of search results. We also find that some search engines prioritize different categories of information sources with respect to specific candidates. These observations demonstrate that algorithmic curation of political information can create information inequalities between the search engine users even under nonpersonalized conditions. Such inequalities are particularly troubling considering that search results are highly trusted by the public and can shift the opinions of undecided voters as demonstrated by previous research.

Issues regarding public policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies accross cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces which are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints. ; Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l'autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l'action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes ...

Issues regarding public policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies accross cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces which are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints. ; Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l'autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l'action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes ...

Issues regarding public policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies accross cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces which are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints. ; Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l'autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l'action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes ...

This article examines how the discourse of the new generation of environmental youth movements highlights time and temporality in order to explain the possibilities of change that the movements offer. This is done by analyzing three influential and transnational youth climate movements-Earth Uprising, Extinction Rebellion, and Fridays For Future-in relation to three influential diagnoses of the current political condition: postpolitics, populism, and postapocalypse. The article argues that the movements should be understood as mobilizing through negative utopian energies. Using theoretical inspiration from Ernst Bloch, the article states that the discourse should be read as containing acts of hope and utopian impulses that reach forward toward a new beginning of a future possible. The article shows how the movements challenge the diagnoses of populism and postpolitics by their constant critique of capitalism, by reinstalling the people as heterogenous political subjects, and by representing a new temporality. Moreover, the article shows how the mainstream climate discourse contains two temporal narratives that run parallel to each other: one that can be thought of as a vernacular eschatology and one that is seemingly postapocalyptic. However, the article argues that both narratives provide visions of a better future to come, and by using the notion of anticipation, the article states that even the postapocalyptic narrative can be mobilizing. Thus, the environmental youth movements offer a new kind of discourse, one that is non-postpolitical, nonpopulist, and non-postapocalyptic. ; Funding:This work was supported by Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences), grant number P18-0121:1.

How can one assess the impact of the new digital framework of communication on the Public Sphere, on regulation bodies, on acceptability standards and on the autonomy of cultural audiovisual fields?This thesis is organized in five parts, successively tackling the symbolic, communication, economic, lawful and legal aspects of Convergence in relation to the specificities of cultural industries, especially television, with an aesthetic and political focus. ; Quelles sont les conséquences de la dématérialisation des contenus sur la structure de l'Espace public, les institutions de régulation, les normes d'acceptabilité et l'autonomie des champs culturels audiovisuels ?La thèse est organisée en cinq parties, abordant successivement les aspects symboliques, communicationnels, économiques, réglementaires et légaux de la Convergence par rapport aux spécificités des industries culturelles, et en particulier de la télévision, avec un horizon esthétique et politique.

How can one assess the impact of the new digital framework of communication on the Public Sphere, on regulation bodies, on acceptability standards and on the autonomy of cultural audiovisual fields?This thesis is organized in five parts, successively tackling the symbolic, communication, economic, lawful and legal aspects of Convergence in relation to the specificities of cultural industries, especially television, with an aesthetic and political focus. ; Quelles sont les conséquences de la dématérialisation des contenus sur la structure de l'Espace public, les institutions de régulation, les normes d'acceptabilité et l'autonomie des champs culturels audiovisuels ?La thèse est organisée en cinq parties, abordant successivement les aspects symboliques, communicationnels, économiques, réglementaires et légaux de la Convergence par rapport aux spécificités des industries culturelles, et en particulier de la télévision, avec un horizon esthétique et politique.

How can one assess the impact of the new digital framework of communication on the Public Sphere, on regulation bodies, on acceptability standards and on the autonomy of cultural audiovisual fields?This thesis is organized in five parts, successively tackling the symbolic, communication, economic, lawful and legal aspects of Convergence in relation to the specificities of cultural industries, especially television, with an aesthetic and political focus. ; Quelles sont les conséquences de la dématérialisation des contenus sur la structure de l'Espace public, les institutions de régulation, les normes d'acceptabilité et l'autonomie des champs culturels audiovisuels ?La thèse est organisée en cinq parties, abordant successivement les aspects symboliques, communicationnels, économiques, réglementaires et légaux de la Convergence par rapport aux spécificités des industries culturelles, et en particulier de la télévision, avec un horizon esthétique et politique.

Using and expanding upon the conception of 'successive modernities' that has recently been developed within social theory, this article offers an interpretation of the political aims, ideas, and practices of the 'global justice movement' and argues that this contemporary social movement is best understood as an expression of the tensions characterizing the prevailing configuration of Western modernity in our own time. Social movements have often simultaneously challenged, changed, and sustained the institutions, norms, and habits of modern societies. Placing the global justice movement in this historical context, the author elaborates how the notion of the creative capacities of social movements has hitherto been discussed in several major theories about social movements and modernity. The article argues that the movements mobilized since the 1990s in response to issues related to globalization should neither be seen as revolts against the demise of 'organized modernity', nor as heralding a new type of Western modernity. Instead, the critique and political claims of the global justice movement are, according to the author, better interpreted as expressing a will to realize a 'third modernity' in an alternative way that stresses the values of participatory democracy, democratization of international economic institutions, and the strengthening of social equality on a global level. Thus, the movement should foremost be seen as articulating a crisis in the forms of politics and democracy during our present epoch of modernity.

PurposeThe current paper is an attempt to evaluate the role of CBOs in promoting citizen participation in the decision-making process of local government institutions of Gujranwala, Punjab, Pakistan. Among the most used evaluation techniques of participatory citizenship, the researchers have used an outcome driven approach based on "social goals." Specifically, the purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which CBOs have been effectual for the promotion of participatory citizenship in decision making of local government institutions in Punjab, Pakistan. In addition, the paper also explores the influence and success level of CBOs in incorporating the preferences and needs of public in decision-making of local government services.Design/methodology/approachFor this purpose, data have been collected through a self-administered survey questionnaire including both open and close-ended questions. A total of 424 questionnaires were collected from citizens, local government officials and CBO members. Standard survey techniques such as frequency distribution and comparative analyses were used for data analysis.FindingsIn assessing the role of CBOs in educating all the stakeholders and the general public as well as to ascertain the incorporation of public needs and values into local government decision making, the paper finds that the effectiveness of CBOs is very low to fulfill its objectives. The study suggests the need to have more programs to educate CBOs, enhance public awareness campaigns and also to put into place proper mechanisms to incorporate and evaluate the public needs.Originality/valueThis paper fulfills the much-needed research gap by the exploring the unknown contribution of CBOs in Pakistan. The paper has added value to the current literature by highlighting that unless there is strong political will and eagerness of local bureaucracy to give up their powers, the inclusion of citizen participation through CBOs in decision making of local government would just be a futile exercise.

Purpose
This paper explores the perceptions and experiences of women and men who work as informal waste collectors in four different cities. The purpose of this paper is to map out how and to what extent occupational, political-legal, economic and social dynamics are experienced differently by gender in a highly vulnerable segment of the urban informal economy, and explore gender differences in these workers' coping strategies and the levels of action they develop to protect their livelihoods.


Design/methodology/approach
The analysis is based on a mixed methods study which combined a quantitative survey of informal workers with a qualitative participatory methodology. Study participants were drawn from a purposive sample of informal workers who belong to, or are affiliated with, membership-based workers' organisations. The sample consists of waste pickers (n=614) from Belo Horizonte, Brazil; Bogotá, Colombia; Durban, South Africa; and Nakuru, Kenya.


Findings
The data show that despite significant differences between women and men upon entry into (informal) employment, their perceptions of key drivers and impacts are largely similar, with the exception of concerns around various types of physical security among women. They also indicate that levels of action among men and women waste pickers are only moderately influenced by gender, but are strongly influenced by the degree of organisation in the sector and the symbolic assets held by workers. The findings also illustrate the way in which gendered power dynamics operate within the informal recycling sector and how different levels of sector organisation and development often contribute to opportunities for collective action and, in turn, a reduction in gendered vulnerabilities.


Originality/value
The study offers a new policy angle which connects the level of sector organisation and development with the levels of action taken by informal workers in adapting to different types of shocks, as well as what this means in terms of gender empowerment.

"Religious Radicalization and Securitization in Canada and Beyond is an ideal guide to the ongoing debates on how best to respond to radicalization without sacrificing the commitments to multiculturalism and social justice that many Canadians hold dear."--Publisher's description

Long description: Erkenntnis ist mehr als ein Mittel zur Beschaffung von Information - Erkenntnis ist ein Medium des Zusammenlebens. Im Ausgang von dieser Einsicht zeigt Daniel Innerarity, wie sich Politik, Demokratie und Ökonomie in der Wissensgesellschaft neu erfinden müssen. Nicht zuletzt die jüngsten Finanzkrisen haben den Bedarf an systemischer Intelligenz schonungslos vor Augen geführt: Es bedarf einer Politik jenseits des Hierarchie-Modells, die sich an der Aufgabe orientiert, systemischen Risiken vorzubeugen und eine gesellschaftsweit verteilte kollektive Intelligenz zu ermöglichen, mithin eine Demokratie des Wissens zu etablieren. Und es bedarf einer Ökonomie, die sich von der Illusion der Exaktheit verabschiedet und sich ihrer gesellschaftlichen Einbettung bewusst ist. Das Wissen der Wissensgesellschaft schöpft paradoxerweise aus seiner Unexaktheit die Kreativität, die im Umgang mit unhintergehbarem Nichtwissen vonnöten ist. Mit diesem Buch liegt erstmals ein Werk des international renommierten spanischen Philosophen und Publizisten Daniel Innerarity auf Deutsch vor.; Biographical note: Daniel Innerarity ist Professor für Philosophie an der Universidad del País Vasco und Leiter des Institute for Democratic Governance (Globernance). Der mehrfach preisgekrönte Autor und Übersetzer (u.a. Spanischer Nationalpreis für Essays) arbeitet u.a. zur Wissensgesellschaft, zu Demokratie und Globalisierung. Daniel Innerarity ist Mitglied der Europäischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und Künste (Salzburg) und war Stipendiat der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung (Berlin).