Suchergebnisse

With the intercession of the new media, individuals were able to write news and publish videos through their participations on Social Networking Sites like Facebook, Twitter and blogs. This study is centered on citizen journalism which comes from the participation of citizens in making news. The main purpose of this study is to show the relationship between citizen journalism and mainstream journalism in covering Syrian news. The study interviewed 15 Syrians citizen journalists through the internet and he designed questionnaires to analyze the content of five Syrian events on Aljazeera news channel. The five Syrian events are Al-Bayda and Baniyas, the siege of Bab Amr, al Qusair and Khalidiya in Homs, Yarmouk camp, chemical on Al Gota. Result shows that the reason why Syrian citizen journalists are important is because of the covering of the demonstrations against the Al-Assad Regime. Other reasons are the fact that citizens had the opportunity to express their views on many subjects such as political, economic, ethics and freedom of speech which they've been prevented from for many years. Moreover, Aljazeera uses a significant number of footages and contents which came from Syrian citizen journalists. Due to shared political agendas between Aljazeera and citizen journalists, Aljazeera depends on them more than their own reporters while they are covering Syrian news. Majority of footages reflect Syrian opposition and the killing of Syrians which resulted from Al-Assad Regime. The study observed from interviews that Aljazeera depends on some persons as alternative source on covering Syrian news, and in a way they are iv becoming their reporters. This leads to a question about the future of citizen journalist (activists) in Syria. This study asserts that since this is the case in a dictatorship country like Syria, it suggests that studies like this should be done for democratic countries to see the importance of citizen journalism. Secondly, the study also suggests that for other studies, news content published by citizen journalists on their blogs and YouTube should be analyzed. Keywords: Citizen Journalist, Mainstream, Syrian events, Aljazeera channel ; Sosyal medya ile birlikte, bireyler Facebook, Twitter ve bloglara katılım göstererek haber yazabiliyor ve video paylaşabiliyor. Bu çalışma vatandaş gazeteciliğine odaklanıp, gazetecilik tecrübesi olmayan insanların haber üretim sürecine katılarak katkı koymalarını araştırıyor. Ayrıca, çalışmanın temel amacı vatandaş gazeteciliği ile ana akım gazeteciği arasındaki ilişkiyi Suriye haberleri üzerinden Aljazeera televizyon kanalına uygulanan içerik analizi ile ortaya koymaktadır. 15 Suriyeli vatandaş gazetecisi ile internet üzerinden röportaj yapılmıştır. Ayrıca, Suriye'de yaşanan 5 olay Aljazeera haber kanalının haberleri üzerinden ele alınarak, bunun için bir anket geliştirilmiş ve içerik analizi uygulanmıştır. Suriye'de yaşanan 5 olayın isimleri şöyledir: Al-Bayda ve Baniyas, Bab Amr kuşatması, Homs'daki al Qusair ve khalidiya, Yarmouk kampı, Al Gota kimyasalları. Çalışmanın sonuçları gösteriyor ki, Suriyeli vatandaş gazetecileri giderek önem kazanıyor, zira Al-Assad Rejimi'ne karşı olan olayları haberleştiriyorlar. Bir başka neden ise, yıllardır önlenen politik, ekonomik, etik ve ifade özgürlüğü vatandaş gazeteciliğinin gelişmesine fırsat tanıyor ve bireyler seslerini bu şekilde duyurabiliyor. Aljazeera, Suriyeli vatandaş gazetecilerinden gelen görüntü ve içerikleri önemli rakamlarda kullanıyor. Aljazeera ile vatandaş gazetecileri arasındaki ortak ajandadan dolayı, söz konusu kanal Suriye'deki olayları haberleştirirken vatandaş gazetecilerine kendi muhabirlerinden daha bağımlı bir duruma geliyor. vi Görüntülerin çoğunluğu Suriyeli karşıtların ve Al-Assad Rejimi tarafından öldürülen Suriyelileri kapsıyor. Vatandaş gazetecileri ile yapılan röportajlarda Aljazeera'nın Suriye haberlerinde alternatif kaynak olarak vatandaşların kullanıldığı ortaya çıktı. Ayrıca bu kişiler kanal tarafından kendi muhabirleri gibi ilgi gördü. Bu da Suriye'deki vatandaş gazetecilerinin (aktivistlerin) geleceğini etkileyen bir soruya yol açmaktadır. Bu çalışma Suriye gibi diktatörlükle idare edilen bir ülkede yaşanan olayları kapsıyor. Benzer çalışmalar demokratik ülkelerde de yapılarak vatandaş gazeteciliğinin önemi ortaya konabilir. İkinci olarak, bundan sonraki çalışmalarda vatandaş gazetecilerinin kendi blog (günlük) ve Youtube hesaplarında paylaştıkları olaylar analiz edilebilir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Vatandaş gazeteciliği, ana akım gazetecilik, Suriye olayları, Aljazeera kanalı. ; Master of Arts in Communication and Media Studies. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Communication, Dept. of Communication and Media Studies, 2015. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Metin Ersoy.

Buildings are at the centre of our social and economic activity. Not only do we spend most of our lives in buildings, we also spend most of our money on buildings. The built environment is not only the largest industrial sector in economic terms, it is also the largest in terms of resource flow1. The rising energy costs, the growing concern about environmental issues and the approaching exhaustion of world energy resources are urging the entire European Community and the several national governments to improve energy management. Special attention is usually paid to public administrations, as European and national legislations often point out that these bodies must provide energy efficiency measures, as well as for the reasons mentioned above, also in order to represent an example for the entire community and for citizens as well. But it is also very important to find out how to foster and encourage energy efficiency improvements and saving measures in private dwellings to achieve the double advantage of reducing the global energy consumption level within the private sector and increasing investments, favoring the creation of additional cash flows as well. The possible combination of such multiple benefits makes the building sector a crucial field for policy makers at EU and national levels. Hence a policy framework that supports national markets in unlocking these potentials is strongly needed. With overall European policy aimed at significantly decarbonizing its economy by 80% to 95% by 2050, the building sector must undoubtedly play a key role. And any strategy to tackle the challenge in this field will clearly require both a significant amount of financial investments and long-term political commitments. The main goal of the present research is to propose an optimized methodology and cost effective decision-making process - based on the main facts emerging from the adoption of the key energy policies and financial instruments currently in force at European level (particularly in Italy and Denmark) - also to outline the next policy steps in improving the energy performance of buildings. After a global overview of the policies adopted at European level, the analysis focuses on the two different regulations implemented at the national level by Italy and Denmark. Furthermore, to define the best mixture of energy retrofit measures for the different geographical areas of Italy - applying a methodology based on simple and available data to improve residential buildings' energy efficiency - the work started with the analysis of the several reports produced by ENEA (the Italian Research Agency for Energy Efficiency) since year 2007. These were based on the data collection performed in order to assess the effectiveness of the Italian government's financial policies established to support energy saving actions in private dwellings. The first steps of such a top-down analysis are then carried out both through manual cost/benefit spreadsheets, as well as with the implementation of a linear programming analysis tool. The study defines different linear programming models, depicting different optimization problems (e.g. energy saving maximization vs. retrofit cost minimization), along with the respective different background scenarios. Such investigations are therefore carried out through the implementation and development of Dantzig's simplex algorithm. Moreover, to carry out a global comparison between the overall Italian and Danish situations, also achieving a deeper single-dwelling-focused analysis, further studies are developed through a Building Energy Optimization tool, implementing the EnergyPlus dynamic energy simulation software. Thence, the research moves on to a more specific analysis, shifting to a bottom-up approach and involving in the enquiry a comparison between the different assessment settings (climatic, political, economic, cultural) depicted both by Italy and Denmark. Two different dwelling models are defined for the above countries, focusing the analysis on those building typologies most representative of such European nations and thence different retrofit solutions are depicted and analyzed. The results obtained by means of this dynamic assessment are then used to group the respective energy savings vs. retrofit cost considerations within a global cost-effectiveness assessment. Finally, some "guidelines" are outlined to address the challenge of renovating the existing building stock, also in order to keep pace with the aims of both the nations and the European Union.

Автор аналізує теоретичні основи сучасної правової реальності, що змінилася, а також ознаки кризи правопорядку в Україні сьогодні.Автор вважає, шо правова криза в Україні є перманентною, вона стала «інститутом запуску» інших національних криз — політичної, влади та управління, демографічної, економічної, моральної тощо. Одночасно правова криза підсилювалась і продовжує посилюватись політичною та іншими видами криз, створюючи загальну системну криз у державі. З'ясовано, що від міри адекватності обґрунтування його причин залежать спрямованість і ефективність як реформування суспільства в цілому, так і здійснення правової реформи як складової частини трансформаційних процесів зокрема.З філософської позиції розкриваються фактори формування правового поля освіти в умовах становлення нового історичного типу суспільства, у нашому випадку ­ інформаційного. Аналізується процес трансформації сучасного українського суспільства, коли в ньому відбувається докорінна зміна ролі права, що набуває рис основного ціннісного орієнтиру, однієї з фундаментальних суспільних засад. Показано, що також змінюється і завдання юридичної науки. Вона намагається осмислити залежність права від людини. Посилення процесів глобалізації у сучасному світі та перспективи побудови гуманістичної, ліберально­демократичної цивілізації відіграли роль суттєвих стимулів до інтеграційних пошуків, спрямованих на теоретичні побудови, здатні «примирити» позитивістський і природно­правовий напрями у розвитку сучасного правознавства. Важливою є необхідність відповісти на питання, хто відтворює і відбудовує форми буття, в яких суб'єктних взаємодіях і ситуаціях вони відтворюються, змінюються, проектуються і конструюються. ; Автор аналізує теоретичні основи сучасної правової реальності, що змінилася, а також ознаки кризи правопорядку в Україні сьогодні.Автор вважає, шо правова криза в Україні є перманентною, вона стала «інститутом запуску» інших національних криз — політичної, влади та управління, демографічної, економічної, моральної тощо. Одночасно правова криза підсилювалась і продовжує посилюватись політичною та іншими видами криз, створюючи загальну системну криз у державі. З'ясовано, що від міри адекватності обґрунтування його причин залежать спрямованість і ефективність як реформування суспільства в цілому, так і здійснення правової реформи як складової частини трансформаційних процесів зокрема.З філософської позиції розкриваються фактори формування правового поля освіти в умовах становлення нового історичного типу суспільства, у нашому випадку ­ інформаційного. Аналізується процес трансформації сучасного українського суспільства, коли в ньому відбувається докорінна зміна ролі права, що набуває рис основного ціннісного орієнтиру, однієї з фундаментальних суспільних засад. Показано, що також змінюється і завдання юридичної науки. Вона намагається осмислити залежність права від людини. Посилення процесів глобалізації у сучасному світі та перспективи побудови гуманістичної, ліберально­демократичної цивілізації відіграли роль суттєвих стимулів до інтеграційних пошуків, спрямованих на теоретичні побудови, здатні «примирити» позитивістський і природно­правовий напрями у розвитку сучасного правознавства. Важливою є необхідність відповісти на питання, хто відтворює і відбудовує форми буття, в яких суб'єктних взаємодіях і ситуаціях вони відтворюються, змінюються, проектуються і конструюються. ; The author analyzes the theoretical foundations of the modern legal reality has changed , as well as signs of a crisis of law in Ukraine sogodni.Avtor believe sho legal crisis in Ukraine is permanent , it became the " Institute Launch " other national crises ­ political, government and management, demographic, economic , moral , etc. . Simultaneously legal crisis intensified and continues to intensify political and other types of crises , creating an overall systemic crisis in the state. Revealed that the degree of adequacy of reasons justify its effectiveness depends on the direction and reform as society in general, and legal reform as part of the transformation processes in particular.From the philosophical positions revealed factors of legal education in the field of establishing a new historical type of society, in our case ­ the information . Examines the process of transformation of the modern Ukrainian society when it comes fundamental change in the role of law, acquires the features of the basic values, one of the fundamental social principles . It is shown that also changes the task of legal science . She tries to comprehend the relationship of human rights . Strengthening global processes tion in the modern world and the prospects of building a humanistic , liberal­democratic citizens tion played a significant role incentives for inte graceful searches aimed at theoretical constructions are able to " reconcile" the positivist and prirodnopravovy directions in the development of modern jurisprudence. Important is the need to answer the question of who plays and restores the form of being , in which the subject interaction and situations they reproduce, modify, designed and constructed.

Произошедший на рубеже веков развал СССР привел к множеству кризисных явлений в различных сферах жизни общества. Одним из таких явлений стал резкий рост преступности. Этому способствовал развал правоохранительной системы, а также политическая и экономическая нестабильность в России в целом. На сегодняшний день наша страна является стабильным государством, с устойчивой политической и социально-экономической сферой. Многие проблемы остались в прошлом, однако проблема преступности в России по прежнему угрожает эффективному функционированию и развитию нашей страны. По общему количеству заключенных, РФ находится на третьем месте в мире, а по числу заключенных на 100 тыс. чел. населения на десятом, и это при том, что только каждое второе преступление в России раскрывается. Эти настораживающие факты привели нас к написанию этой статьи, в которой мы постараемся охарактеризовать текущую криминогенную обстановку в нашей стране, а также опишем тенденции, существующие в Российской Уголовно-исполнительной системе. В данной статье был проведен анализ динамики преступлений и их раскрываемости, представлена видовая структура правонарушений, выявленных преступников, представлена динамика рецидивных преступлений, изучен экономический ущерб от совершаемых преступлений. Кроме того, в данной статье проанализирована и дана оценка Концепции развития уголовно-исполнительной системы Российской Федерации до 2020 г., представленная Правительством в 2010 г. и направленная на повышение эффективности работы Уголовно-исполнительной системы РФ. В заключении работы представлены соответствующие выводы о работе Правоохранительной системы России и о криминогенной ситуации в целом. К ключевым проблемам, ограничивающим развитие инжиниринга и промышленного дизайна в Российской Федерации, относятся: большая часть объемов российского рынка инжиниринга и промышленного дизайна принадлежит зарубежным компаниям; несоответствие услуг, предоставляемых российскими инжиниринговыми компаниями, мировым стандартам проектирования и создания новых продуктов и технологий их производства; отсутствие необходимых компетенций в области управления проектами и пользования специализированным программным обеспечением; технологическая отсталость производственной и испытательной базы российских инжиниринговых компаний и пр. ; The disorder of the USSR which occurred at the turn of the century led to a set of the crisis phenomena in various spheres of life of society. Sharp rise in crime became one of such phenomena. Disorder of law-enforcement system, and also political and economic instability in Russia in general promoted this. Today our country is the stable state, with the steady political and social and economic sphere. Many problems remained in the past, however the crime problem in Russia still threatens effective functioning and development of our country. According to total number of prisoners, the Russian Federation is on the third place in the world, and according to number of prisoners on 100 thousand people of the population on the tenth and this with the fact that only every second crime in Russia is solved. These guarding facts led authors to writing of this article in which they will try to characterize the current criminogenic situation in our country, and also they will describe the tendencies existing in the Russian Criminal and executive system. In this article authors carried out the analysis of dynamics of crimes and their solvability, presented the specific structure of offenses, the revealed criminals, presented dynamics of recurrent crimes, and studied the economic damage from the committed crimes. Besides, in this article authors analyzed and gave the assessment of the Concept of development of criminal and executive system of the Russian Federation till 2020 presented by the Government in 2010 and directed on increase of overall performance of Criminal and executive Russian Federation system. In the end of article authors corresponding conclusions about work of Law-enforcement system of Russia and about a criminogenic situation in general. Key problems limiting development of engineering and industrial design in the Russian Federation are: the most part of volumes of the Russian market of engineering and industrial design belongs to the foreign companies; discrepancy of the services provided by the Russian engineering companies, to the international standards of design and creation of new products and technologies of their production; lack of necessary competences of area of management of projects and uses of the specialized software; technological backwardness of production and test base of the Russian engineering companies and so forth.

Форум Азиатско-Тихоокеанское экономическое сотрудничество (АТЭС) является одной из ключевых площадок для многостороннего диалога по вопросам международной повестки дня в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе. Несмотря на региональный характер объединения АТЭС, ежегодные саммиты лидеров стран АТЭС по своей значимости и потенциалу для развития сотрудничества сопоставимы с саммитами ключевых институтов глобального управления, таких как «Группа восьми» и «Группа двадцати». По мере усиления интеграции членов АТЭС и развития экономических связей и налаженного взаимодействия усиливается влияние АТЭС на региональную и глобальную экономическую повестку дня. Несмотря на то, что изначально АТЭС позиционировал себя как «свободную совокупность экономик», а не политическое объединение, постепенно внимание экономик АТЭС обращается и к наиболее острым общемировым политическим вопросам, что находит отражение в заявлениях лидеров в ходе саммитов. Представленный в данной статье анализ итогов саммита АТЭС, состоявшегося в рамках председательства Индонезии на о. Бали 7-8 октября 2013 г., позволяет оценить, какие вопросы формируют актуальную повестку дня АТЭС. В силу того что в настоящее время практически все страны мира сталкиваются со сходными экономическими и социальными проблемами замедлением экономического роста, необходимостью дальнейшей фискальной консолидации, сохраняющейся структурной безработицей, углублением разрыва в уровне дохода, размыванием налогооблагаемой базы и перемещением прибыли, уклонением от уплаты налогов, негативными последствиями изменения климата, важно проанализировать, какие меры по решению данных проблем предпринимаются на региональном (АТЭС) и глобальном уровне («Группа двадцати»). Сравнение с «двадцаткой» обусловлено в большой степени пересекающимся составом участников: почти половина стран-участников обоих институтов входит в оба объединения, а именно такие влиятельные экономики как Австралия, Индонезия, Канада, Китайская Народная Республика (КНР), Мексика, Республика Корея, Россия, США и Япония. Повестка дня последних лет АТЭС и «Группы двадцати» фокусируется на общих проблемах, поиске новых моделей роста. Анализ опирается на ключевые документы саммита декларацию лидеров, совместное заявление министров, выступления лидеров и другие сопутствующие материалы. Результаты анализа позволяют определить вектор будущего развития повестки дня АТЭС. ; The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) is one of the key platforms of the multilateral dialogue on global agenda issues in the Asia-Pacific region. Notwithstanding its regional character, the annual APEC leaders` summits significance is comparable with that of the key global governance institutions, such as the G8 and G20, summits. With increasing integration and enhanced economic relationships as well as established interaction pattern the APEC influence on regional and global economic agenda is growing. In spite of the fact that APEC initially positioned itself as a "free group of economics" not a political association, the member states step-by-step turn to the most acute worldwide political issues, which is reflected in the leaders` statements made during the summit. The analysis of the APEC 2013 summit which was held within the Indonesian presidency on 7–8 October 2013 on Bali provides an insight into the main drivers of the APEC agenda. Given that currently all countries face similar economic and social challenges: low and stalling economic growth, need to pursue fiscal consolidation, persistent structural unemployment, widening income disparities, base erosion and profit shifting as well as tax evasion, climate change negative consequences etc, it`s useful to analyze the measures implemented at the regional level (APEC), as well as the global level (G20). A comparison with the G20 is largely determined shared challenges and by the intersecting memberships: almost half of the members of the institutions participate in both fora, namely Australia, Canada, China, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States. The recent APEC and G20 agendas aim to coordinate actions to resolve the shared problems and move towards new growth models. The analysis is based on the key summit documents – Bali Declaration "Resilient Asia-Pacific, Engine of Global Growth", Joint Ministerial Statement, leaders` statements and accompanying documents. The analysis permits to identify the vector of APEC agenda development.

This dissertation is concerned with moments of prophetic failing, weakness, and undoing both in the biblical text and in its reception in modernity. Rather than a monolithic testimony to the manifestation of divine will in history, or a grand and unified moral vision, the prophetic corpus is riddled with failure. At the same time, the destabilizing elements of prophecy can function as creative, generative forces, fashioning both literary richness and political significance and influence. My primary theoretical model for the generative power of weakness is derived from Walter Benjamin's articulation of the power of weak messianism as a way to radically reformulate the categories of weakness and strength, success and failure. The redaction of the prophetic text is often a record of anxiety, an attempt to impose a coherent, strong vision on an incoherent, difficult oracle. This secret struggle between strong and weak prophecy is replicated at key moments in biblical reception. Thus, specific moments in the reception of a prophetic text can flare up and help explain the political stakes of a biblical text both in the past and in the present. In Chapter One, I take in the figure of the ideal prophet from a distance by considering the phantasmagoric construction of Moses in the Deuteronomistic redactions of the Book of Jeremiah. I show how the idea of a strong prophet, or a strong prophetic lineage, has been imposed by late, melancholic redactions that read and write the golden age of prophecy from the distance of national catastrophe and exile. In Chapter Two, I discuss Isaiah's call narrative, the site of both great prophetic strength and prophetic weakness. The Book of Isaiah assumes key significance for Lowth, the eighteenth century scholar, exegete, cleric, and politician. Through Isaiah's mastery of poetic forms, the Book of Isaiah becomes representative of a biblical sublime that sets the stage for the yoking of prophecy to poetry and the Romantic figure of the poet-prophet. Yet Lowth's imposition of the genius of authorship on the multi-layered biblical text comes at the expense of repressing unruly English outbreaks of prophetic enthusiasm as well as the troubling theological questions posed by the text. Chapter Three examines nineteenth century biblical scholarship's valorization of the original oral prophets over a later written prophecy, degraded by a priestly scribalism. Oral prophecy has been characterized by a situation of social authenticity, a face-to-face conversation, whether with God, or with an audience. For scholars following Wellhausen, the prophet Ezekiel marks the moment of transformation from oral to written prophecy. I examine and critique this teleological view of prophecy by returning to Ezekiel's apostrophes. As opposed to a deadening scribal effect I show Ezekiel's apostrophe to the Mountains of Israel is a text in the process of unraveling, and paradoxically, in its weakness, creating a generative "line of flight" marked by the prophet's averted face. Chapter Four takes up the reinscription of prophecy in the literature of Hebrew Revival, at the turn of the twentieth century and its reception in Hebrew modernism. While public intellectuals tried to create a cultural Bible that would help guide the Jews to national revival, the practice of the prophetic mode in Hebrew was an encounter in precariousness. The fragmented modern selves of the poets, assailed by secular doubt and ambivalence about aspects of Zionist nation-building, activated the destabilizing elements of the prophetic texts themselves. Rather than presenting the heroic face-to-face prophecy of Moses, the Hebrew prophet-poets, through a complex intertextuality, illuminated a biblical prophecy that stutters, fails, averts its face, addresses the disintegration of the nation rather than its formation. Seizing up this moment of prophetic weakness in the decades before Israeli statehood is a form of remembrance and a way to enable a transformation of the future.

Игнорирование проблем взаимодействия государства и общества, обострившихся в условиях мирового финансово-экономического кризиса, создает опасность роста протестных настроений. В силу этого необходимо обеспечение деятельности органов государственной власти конструктивной, научно обоснованной программой. Институтом социально-экономического развития территорий РАН (ИСЭРТ РАН) в 2013 г. было проведено исследование, целью которого стал анализ соответствия политики государства ключевым потребностям современного российского общества. Для реализации данной цели были поставлены следующие задачи: рассмотреть состояние гражданского общества в России в целом и Вологодской области в частности после мирового финансового кризиса 2008 г.; выявить социально-экономические и общественно-политические проблемы, которые в первую очередь волнуют население Российской Федерации и Вологодской области в посткризисный период; охарактеризовать принимаемые государством меры по решению этих проблем. Авторы пришли к следующим выводам: 1. Гражданское общество как на федеральном, так и на региональном уровне находится в стадии формирования, но обладает значительным потенциалом. Это продемонстрировали протестные акции (декабрь 2011 г.), указавшие власти на необходимость реагировать на запросы растущего гражданского общества. 2. Граждан России и региона волнуют схожие проблемы. При этом жителей Вологодской области по сравнению с россиянами в целом тревожат несколько больше состояние жилищной сферы, меньше – социально-политические (коррупция), экологические и нравственные проблемы. 3. После избрания президентом В.В. Путина в марте 2012 г. вектор социальной политики был направлен на решение тех проблем, острота которых уже давно созрела в обществе. Однако реформы характеризуются несоответствием заявленных и реальных целей, значительной степенью декларативности, перекладыванием ответственности на региональные власти. Поэтому в качестве рекомендаций авторы предлагают: пересмотреть подход ко многим проблемам, волнующим население; отказаться от использования механизмов имитации при осуществлении реформ; способствовать дальнейшему развитию гражданского общества. ; The issues of state-society relations that have become especially acute in the conditions of the world financial and economic crisis cannot be neglected, because it can trigger the growth of protest moods. This calls for the necessity to provide public authorities with a constructive, science-based programme. In 2013 the Institute of Socio-Economic Development of Territories of RAS (ISEDT RAS) carried out a research aimed at analyzing whether the state policy corresponds to the main requirements of the modern Russian society. In order to achieve this goal, the following tasks were set out: to review the state of the civil society in Russia and in the Vologda Oblast, in particular after the 2008 global financial crisis; to identify the socio-economic and socio-political problems, which arouse main concern among the population of the Russian Federation and the Vologda Oblast in the post-crisis period; to describe the measures undertaken by the government to address these issues. The authors came to the following conclusions:1. Civil society both at the federal and at the regional levels is at the stage of formation; nevertheless, it possesses significant potential. This has been proved by the protest actions (December 2011) that made it clear to the authorities that it was necessary to respond to the demands of the growing civil society. 2. The citizens of Russia and the region express their concern at similar issues. At the same time, the Vologda Oblast residents compared with the Russians in general express more concern about the condition of the housing sector, and less concern – about socio-political (corruption), ecological and ethical issues. 3. After V.V. Putin was elected President in March 2012, the social policy was focused on handling those issues that have long become vital in the society. However, the reforms are characterized by the discrepancy between the declared and the actual objectives, by the declarative nature in many aspects, by shifting the responsibility to the regional authorities. Therefore, the authors suggest the implementation of the following measures: to revise the approach to many issues at which the people express their concern; to abandon imitation in the execution of reforms; to promote further development of civil society.

В статье осуществлена попытка анализа направлений сотрудничества США со странами Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона как приоритетного вектора внешней политики администрации Б. Обамы. На основе современной методологии политической науки освещаются факторы сближения во взаимоотношениях США с новым стратегическим партнером США КНР. В статье рассматриваются существующие совместные интересы США и стран АТР в области экономики, а также перечисляются конфликтогенные проблемы в механизме двусторонних отношений США КНР. С учетом определяющих тенденций экономического развития Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона прогнозируется дальнейшее углубление американо-китайского сотрудничества как фактора влияния на механизм взаимоотношений США КНР. ; Nowadays the APR is one of the most dynamically developing region in the world. It has currently successfully implemented a new model of economic organization with the unique individual peculiarities stored away. In terms of the international relations science, Asia region is considered as not only as increasingly powerful economic notion, but also as a source of social and political dangers. Many countries traditionally are trying to be involved into the internal political and economic APR relations. Such powerful countries as USA, Japan, China and Russia demonstrate the particular interest to hold positions of leadership in the Asia-Pacific. This exhibits the region as highly competitive area of national interest of world society. Regarding the U.S. Asia-Pacific region relations, it is evident to emphasize that the primary issues of reciprocal cooperation are determined by the global economy and the establishment of inter-regional security. Since the U.S. President Barack Obama has taken over the office the area of the relations with APR has obtained the new focus. The new format of relations has been stressed at the point of view of the U.S. as a Pacific country. Obama's administration instantly established the strategic policy of active diplomatic involvement at the APR. Barack Obama announced the critical need to make the U.S. presence in Northeast Asia more significant. The president's program includes the essential game plans transcending the simple bilateral treaties, summits and agreements. Many visits of the American government officials to the Asia-Pacific region has had the great importance for revising of the relations. Among the most considerable persons visits it is necessary to mention the following: newly appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Asian and Pacific Affairs K. Campbell, Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. It is widespread statement that he Asia-Pacific region appears now as the local region, undergoing the processes of integration and competition between leading powerful actors -China and Japan. Japan is the original and most reliable partner of the U.S. in the region since the end of World War II. The main issue of the new U.S. foreign policy strategy in the Asia-Pacific region so is now the building the tight relations with China. Since China entered the position favorable ground for the implementation of large-scale economic maneuvers, its policy at the region can't be ignored any more. First Steps of Barack Obama's administration towards the Asia-Pacific region showed the priority of these relationships. U.S. demonstrates the appropriate signals to China as a need to deepen the convergence in issues, important for the U.S. In order to normalize relations broken down of the U.S. China and enhance U.S. participation in the Asia-Pacific regional policy Americans took numerous important steps. The main goals of the U.S. at the Asia-Pacific region is an economic growth and establishing the markets for free distribution of U.S. production. Overwhelming majority of U.S. exports even today is being sent to the Pacific. That's why the importance of American-Asia economic development makes the relations to hold out as the paramount. This is one ofthe most important points of the Obama's program of the post-crisis national economy recovery.

Dissertação apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau Mestre em Engenharia e Gestão Ambiental ; Nowadays, many nations in the world transform their contemporary waste management practice into a more efficient and sustainable one. This is to render them capable of handling increased refuse generation and the numerous ambiguities of the current municipal solid waste management (MSWM) systems. This has been aggravated by economic activities, urbanization and life quality provided to the city inhabitants. This has influenced the masses to shift from rural to the urban environments. More so, low, middle and high-income countries spend roughly 40% of the annual budget on waste related environmental problems. In spite of the changes in strategy, the quantity of municipal solid waste (MSW) continues to increase, and its diverse characteristics make it a lot more problematic. This study strives to understand the key drivers of waste handling and present the challenges, threats, and opportunities in transforming the traditional waste streams into optimized practices with acceptable waste administration. In the quest of understanding the challenges, a literature research pattern of facts compilation served as the main model for the study. This work investigates the policies and options that are employed in 29 nations all over the world. It also proposes a direct or indirect framework for a lower middle-income nation-Cameroon. The study concludes that: firstly, strategies based on, social, economic, political tools, and new technologies, can assist cities/countries in their revolution geared towards a sustainable MSWM system. Furthermore, waste handling difficulties are not only technologically orchestrated, but they are due to political misappropriation. Lastly, the couple force existing between waste volume and income will remain directly proportionate if stakeholders are not educated to hold up with MSW streams in the world. Atualmente, muitos países no mundo têm como objetivo transformar as suas atuais práticas de gestão de resíduos em práticas mais eficientes e sustentáveis. Induzida por numerosas lacunas existentes nos atuais sistemas de gestão de resíduos e agravada pelo aumento da migração das populações das zonas rurais para os ambientes urbanos, a produção de resíduos e os problemas que desta advêm têm aumentado. As atividades económicas atualmente praticadas e o aumento da qualidade de vida das populações são também fatores que contribuíram para o agravamento destes problemas. Em média, e incluindo os países subdesenvolvidos, desenvolvidos e em vias de desenvolvimento, 40% do orçamento despendido na resolução dos problemas ambientais a nível mundial é destinado à resolução destes problemas. Apesar do montante gasto na gestão dos resíduos, a quantidade de resíduos urbanos gerados continua a aumentar e a cada vez maior diversificação dos resíduos gerados dificulta a sua gestão. Este estudo visa compreender os principais fatores intervenientes na gestão dos resíduos, apresentando os principais desafios, ameaças e oportunidades de transformação dos tradicionais fluxos de resíduos, assim como a otimização de práticas aceitáveis de gestão de resíduos. De forma a melhor entender os desafios do processo de gestão dos resíduos, foi efectuada uma compilação de dados obtida através de uma pesquisa literária, pesquisa esta que serviu de base de estudo deste trabalho. Este trabalho procura ainda investigar as orientações políticas e linhas de conduta adotadas em todo 29 paysage o mundo. Este estudo permite-nos concluir que: em primeiro lugar, estratégias baseadas em ferramentas e políticas socioeconómicas e tecnologias mais recentes podem conduzir as cidades/países a implementar uma revolução sustentável, sem stresse, acessível, viável e mais eficaz das suas estratégias de SGRS Urbanos; em segundo lugar, verificou-se que os problemas de gestão de resíduos não são resolvidos apenas com o recurso à tecnologia, são essencialmente resolvidos através de políticas de gestão apropriadas; por último, a força mútua existente entre o volume de resíduos gerados e os encargos resultantes continuará a ser diretamente proporcional se os principais intervenientes nos sistemas de Resíduos Sólidos não forem devidamente educados e se estes não se preocuparem com os fluxos de resíduos gerados a nível global.

This dissertation develops an economic theory of founding party dominance and validates its main implications via an in-depth analysis of South Africa under the ANC. At its core, the theory explains how a founding party like the ANC maintains the credibility of its economic promises in the longer term while generally failing to deliver on them in the shorter term. Ultimately, the credibility of these promises is determined by citizens' beliefs about the party, which they update by observing economic outcomes. In order to maintain favorable beliefs among the citizenry, the party strategically allocates state resources and economic propaganda across its broad coalition of voters. Just as the theory predicts, ANC governments have shown a clear resource bias toward their higher-information supporters, who are better able to observe the state of the economy and the extent of government corruption. The country's post-apartheid economic policies starkly favor the more urban, better-informed elements in the ANC's coalition. Moreover, we demonstrate that the stronger is the economy, the more state resources are allocated to higher-information provinces as compared to their lower-information counterparts. In the same vein, we show that instances of official corruption--particularly the maladministration of social services--are far more prevalent in lower-information provinces, exacerbating the relative deprivation of citizens living in these environments. The theory also implies that founding party rulers like the ANC will allocate a greater share of state resources to its less partisan supporters, in line with the "swing voter" school of distributional politics. While the overall evidence is mixed, we do find that the ANC directs more resources to provinces in which its support among Africans has lagged the most (or increased the least) between elections. Even more interestingly, our theory's unconventional prediction about the ANC's use of economic propaganda--namely, that the incumbent will strategically downplay the state of the economy in order justify the low provision of state resources--is borne out by the data. Particularly in period surrounding elections, the South African government systematically underestimates the country's rate of economic growth, only to revise those estimates upward at a later date. We also show that state-owned television outlets downplay the state of the South African economy in their coverage--and that they do so more than privately owned newspapers. Indeed, the stronger the economy, the more negative/less positive is the economic reporting by the state-owned South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). What's more, SABC broadcasts in African languages are even more negative in tone than equivalent reporting in European languages, while a newspaper outlet widely regarded as pro-government is less likely to report positively during "good times" than more neutral publications. All of this evidence indicates that the ANC is targeting economic propaganda at African citizens with middling access to information, the precise group predicted by our theory. Given these facts and conditions, we should not be surprised that the ANC--despite its widespread failure to deliver on its material promises--continues to so thoroughly dominate South African politics nearly 20 years after the advent of majority rule. Nor should we be surprised that provinces where the ANC enjoys the most electoral support are also those where the average (African) citizen is most likely to believe that her personal economic conditions reflect those of the broader national economy, as revealed in Chapter 5. Finally, we should be encouraged by an explanation of ANC dominance that goes beyond the traditional emphasis on race, not only because race is a `red herring' explanation that obscures a raft of political and economic dynamics, but also because it allows us to place South Africa's founding party dominance in a larger scholastic and historical context. As such, we speculate on how this study helps explain other examples political dominance, as well as what those examples suggest for the future of South African politics.

Europe is the world's best example of a group of countries offering similar levels of political freedom, tolerance, and economic prosperity and security. Following the fall of Communism, Europe began to outpace the rest of the planet on aggregated indicators of development, and, according to Freedomhouse.org, only two of the world's forty seven "not free" countries, Belarus and Russia, can be found on this continent. The Roma, frequently mislabeled as "Gypsies," are among the few troubled populations residing in Europe. In the comprehensive 2006 Final Report on the Human Rights Situation of the Roma in Europe, one Romani man describes being a "Gypsy" in the following statement: "There is a lot of prejudice and discrimination against Roma in my country. We find it hard to do things that others take for granted. It's difficult to get your child into a good school and higher education is often an unattainable goal. There are problems with the housing because no-one wants Roma in their neighborhood. We encounter problems because of who we are every day and we want to do something about it because our government turns a blind eye to racial crimes committed against Roma. Quite often we have problems with the police, they suspect we all must be criminals. Even if you manage to graduate, it's really hard to get a job. People assume that Roma are crooks and will steal or swindle. We don't want to be given preferential treatment, we just want the same opportunities as everyone." Although there has been a great deal written about the Romani people, there has been very little cooperation between academic fields. Studies surrounding the political realities affecting the Roma ignore the role culture plays. Anthropologists have done a reasonably comprehensive job summarizing distinctions between the dominant culture and that of the Roma, but generally do not discuss how those discrepancies can make life more difficult. Economists cite how a failure to assimilate into the formal economy affects the Roma, but rarely address the sizable barriers to assimilation. Development experts are attuned to the difficulties of life in Roma communities, but rarely expand their focus enough to make statements about the entire population. Finally, a disregard for a painful history which includes slavery, exile, and genocide results in unfair terms for the conversation about the Roma. This gap in scholarship contributes to the way European populations think about the Roma. Policymakers and voters can accept individual instances wherein a member of this population might be excluded or disenfranchised, but rarely does the whole picture come into focus. Many are reluctant to believe that in the progressive, democratic meritocracy that is modern Europe one population could be at such a disadvantage, and interactions with Romani citizenry only serve to reinforce the racist idea that they are somehow to blame for their exclusion. I argue that the exclusion of Europe's Roma populations stems from three different arenas- culture, politics, and history. These factors culminate in a pervasive and deep-rooted system of, what I have called a democratic nationalistic privilege enjoyed by the majority populations in Europe. The advantages of living in a free and developed part of the world are withheld from the Roma, and ingrained racism exacerbates the problem. My report intends to raise awareness of the Roma's plight and help bring about a dialogue aimed at more fair treatment. Changing the terms of conversation surrounding the Roma may be a first step in eliminating their status as an exception, unable to access the prosperity enjoyed by the rest of Europe. Rather than the social exclusion they experience, changing the understanding and context of the Roma's position can contribute to their simple ability to live alongside fellow citizens harmoniously.

Die Europäische Union hat seit Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts 1989/90 einen dynamischen Ausbau ihrer vertraglichen und institutionellen Fundamente erfahren. Mit diesem Prozess ging zugleich eine enge Verflechtung von europäischen und nationalen Entscheidungsprozessen und politischen Arenen einher. So entwickelte sich ein zunehmend dynamischer werdendes Interaktionsverhältnis zwischen Europäischer Union, nationaler Europapolitik und Innenpolitik. Ausgehend von der These, dass die deutsche Europapolitik seit der Zäsur 1989/90 zunehmend pragmatischer, kontroverser und somit normaler geworden ist, untersucht die Arbeit diese Veränderung der deutschen Europapolitik am Beispiel zweier qualitativer Fallstudien: 1.Die Verhandlungen zum dritten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen für die Jahre 2000 bis 2006, die sogenannte Agenda 2000. Für Deutschland als größtem Beitragszahler in der EU waren die Finanzverhandlungen von immenser Bedeutung. Denn mit der finanziellen Ausstattung der beiden größten Ausgabenblöcken, der europäischen Kohäsionspolitik und der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik, waren zentrale Grundsatzfragen der deutschen Europapolitik und der Rolle Deutschlands in der EU verbunden, wie zum Beispiel das bilaterale Verhältnis zum französischen Partner. 2.Der Prozess der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union seit dem Ende des Ost-West-Gegensatzes 1989/90 von der Assoziierung der Reformstaaten in Mittel- und Osteuropa bis zum Beitritt der acht neuen Mitglieder am 1. Mai 2004. Die Ost-Erweiterung der EU war eine der wichtigsten Grundsatzentscheidungen der deutschen Europapolitik. Dieser fast 15 Jahre dauernde Prozess von 1989 bis 2004 wird in einer minuziösen Längsschnitt-Analyse nachgezeichnet und die spezifischen Interessen der zentralen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Akteure der deutschen Politik detailliert analysiert.Beide Entscheidungsprozesse beeinflussten nahezu alle Politikfelder und hatten weitreichende Konsequenzen für die innen-, wirtschafts- und sozialpolitischen Strukturen der Bundesrepublik. Damit erforderten sie sowohl eine grundsätzliche und strategische Positionierungen der deutschen Europapolitik als auch kurzfristige, auf rationalen Kosten-Nutzen-Abwägungen basierende Festlegungen zu konkreten Einzelfragen im Verlauf der Entscheidungsprozesse. Die beiden umfangreichen Fallstudien bestätigen, dass die wechselseitige Interaktion zwischen innenpolitischen Auseinandersetzungen und europäischen Entscheidungsprozessen sich verdichtet hat. Europäische Entscheidungsprozesse werden für innenpolitische Auseinandersetzungen und Debatten genutzt und häufig auch parteipolitisch polarisiert. Die Europapolitik wird zu einem Feld pragmatischer Kosten-Nutzen-Abwägungen aus begrenzten innenpolitischen oder gar parteitaktischen Kalkülen. Die Europapolitik wird unter innenpolitischen Vorzeichen politisiert und polarisiert. ; Since the end of the Cold War in 1989/90 the European Union faced a tremendous expansion of its legal and institutional foundation. This deepening caused an immense interdependence of European and national decision making processes and political arenas. European policy today is characterized by a dynamic interaction between European Union, national European and domestic policy. This process applies also for German European policy, which developed to an arena of domestic conflicts. Starting with the hypothesis that with German unity German European policy became more and more pragmatic, controversial and finally normal, this book explores these changes in German European policy with the help of two case studies:1.The negotiations for the European financial framework for the years 2000-2006, the so-called "Agenda 2000". For Germany as the biggest net-payer in the European Union these negotiations had been of fundamental importance. The financial endowment of the biggest expenditure policies, the European cohesion policy and the Common agricultural policy, touched Germany- central lines of European policy and had been connected with Germany- new role in the European Union, for example the relationship to Berlins European partner France. 2. The process of Eastward enlargement of the European Union, beginning with the association of the Central and East European Countries to the European Union after the Cold war and ending with the accession of eight new member states on May 1st in 2004. Eastward enlargement had been a decision of fundamental importance for Germany- European policy. The detailed case study describes this process, the specific German objectives and the various interests of domestic actors and interest groups. Both extensive cases influenced almost all policies and had consequences on nearly all policies and the domestic, economic and social structures in the Federal Republic. All major political actors, interest groups and parties tried to influence the policy outcome. Therefore both decision making processes required a fundamental long-termed and strategic positioning of Germany as well as some short-termed and tactical considerations based on rational cost-benefit-analysis with regard to some sub-questions during the decision-making process. Both case studies confirm the deep interaction between domestic conflicts and European decision making process, which will be more and more used for domestic conflict and debates. Inevitably European policy develops into a field for polarized party politics, short-termed utilitarian and sectoral interests and pragmatic cost-benefits considerations.

Die mit dem Reaktorunglück von Fukushima zusammenhängenden haftungsrechtlichen Fragen hat Julius Weitzdörfer in ZJapanR 31 (2011) eingehend untersucht. In Ergänzung seiner Überlegungen werden in diesem Beitrag die internationalen Aspekte des Haftungsfalls dargelegt. Auf der Grundlage der internationalen Atomhaftungsübereinkommen (Pariser Übereinkommen, Wiener Übereinkommen, Übereinkommen überergänzende Entschädigung für nuklearen Schaden) ist das Atomhaftungsrecht eine inhaltlich international weitgehend vereinheitlichte Rechtsmaterie. Zwar gehört Japan keinem der Übereinkommen an, aber deren Grundsätze haben Eingang in die nationale japanische Gesetzgebung und in die Gesetzgebungen zahlreicher anderer Nicht-Vertragsstaaten gefunden. Das japanische Atomhaftungsrecht ist auch ohne förmliche vertragliche Einbindung ein substantiell integrierter Bestandteil des internationalen Atomhaftungsregimes. Die Abwicklung der Fukushima-Schadensfälle ist somit zugleich ein Testfall für die internationalen Haftungsgrundsätze. Zu den tragenden internationalen Haftungsprinzipienzählen u.a. die einheitliche Definition des die Haftung auslösenden nuklearen Ereignisses, der Grundsatz der Haftung ohne Verschulden des Inhabers einer Kernanlage und die ausschließliche Haftung des Inhabers der Kernanlage (rechtliche Kanalisierung der Haftung). Betrachtet man die Entsprechungen dieser und der übrigen Haftungsgrundsätze im japanischen Recht genauer, so können sich Zweifel ergeben, ob der japanische Gesetzgeber diese Grundsätze tatsächlich in jeder Hinsicht so versteht, wie sie international ausgelegt werden. So schließt offenbar der Grundsatz der ausschließlichen Haftung des Inhabers der Kernanlage im japanischen Recht Haftungskonkurrenzen nicht vollständig aus, obwohl gerade das der Zweck des Grundsatzes der rechtlichen Haftungskanalisierung ist. Problematisch ist der Haftungsausschluss des japanischen Rechts für Schäden, die Folgen einer schweren Naturkatastrophe außergewöhnlicher Art sind. Dieser Haftungsausschluss ist ebenso wie der für kriegerische Ereignisse rechtlich zweifelhaft und praktisch wertlos. Er sollte aus dem japanischen Recht und auch aus den Übereinkommen gestrichen werden. International beispielhaft für nukleare Massenverfahren kann dagegen das im japanischen Recht angebotene institutionalisierte Streitschlichtungsverfahren bei der Geltendmachung von Schadensersatzansprüchen werden. Es kann die Ersatzleistung beschleunigen und so zur Wiederherstellung des sozialen und politischen Friedens beitragen. Japan scheint den Beitritt zu dem Übereinkommen über ergänzende Entschädigung für nuklearen Schaden zu erwägen. Dieser wäre nur möglich, wenn sich die japanische Gesetzgebung im Einklang mit dem Annex zu dem Übereinkommen befindet. Ob das der Fall ist, ist fraglich. ; In ZJapanR/J.Japan.L. 31 (2011), Julius Weitzdörfer published a thorough treatise on the liability issues connected with the Fukushima nuclear accident. As a complement to his considerations, this article deals with the international aspects of the liability case. Nuclear liability law is based on the international nuclear liability Conventions (i.e. the Paris Convention, the Vienna Convention, and the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage) and is thus a field of law that is internationally harmonized to a great extent. Japan is not a party to any of the Conventions, but those principles nevertheless became elements of the national legislation of Japan and of numerous other non-contracting states. Even without formal treaty obligations, the Japanese nuclear liability law forms an integral part of the international nuclear liability regime. Compensating Fukushima claims at the national Japanese level also means testing the international liability principles. Among the leading international liability principles are a unified definition of the 'nuclear incident' that triggers liability, the principle of liability without fault on the part of the operator of a nuclear installation, and the principle of exclusive liability of the operator of a nuclear installation (legal channelling of liability). If one looks at the corresponding concepts of the Japanese law a little more closely, there might be doubts as to whether the Japanese legislator understands these principles identically to the international interpretation. In particular, the exclusive liability of the operator of a nuclear installation does not entirely exclude claims for compensation based on other liability provisions. But that is exactly the purpose of legal channelling of liability. The exoneration under Japanese law from liability for damage caused by a grave natural disaster of an exceptional character is problematic. This exoneration and the exoneration from liability for damage due to hostilities, etc. are both legally unsound and, from a practical and political point of view, without any use. They should be deleted from both the Japanese law and the international conventions. The Japanese nuclear liability law, on the other hand, provides a claims handling procedure that might be used as an example at the international level. The law establishes a Claims Reconciliation Committee to optionally settle claims out of court. Especially in mass tort litigations, such a procedure might speed up the payment of compensation and contribute to regaining social and political peace. There are signals that Japan will adhere to the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage in the near future. This would require its nuclear liability legislation to comply with the Annex to that Convention. It is questionable whether there is such compliance.

Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht, einen ersten umfassenden Überblick über die aktuellen rechtlichen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Probleme des bisher größten Haftungsfalls der japanischen Geschichte – der Nuklearkatastrophe von Fukushima I – zu geben. Neben einer Bestandsaufnahme der einschlägigen Vorschriften des geltenden Atomhaftungsrechts und der Präjudizien aus vorherigen Zwischenfällen werden dabei das einschlägige Schrifttum, Presseberichte sowie Ergebnisse der von der Regierung eingesetzten "Prüfungskommission Atomschadensersatzstreitigkeiten" ausgewertet.Dabei geht der Beitrag u.a. den Fragen nach, wer am Ende tatsächlich für die Schäden der Reaktorkatastrophe, die auf bis zu 86 Mrd. Euro geschätzt werden, aufkommen wird und welche Opfer Ansprüche geltend machen können: z.B. die evakuierte Bevölkerung, betroffene Fischer, Landwirte oder das Kraftwerkspersonal. Hier werden auch Anspruchsgrundlagen außerhalb des Atomrechts, z.B. aus Arbeits- und Sozialrecht, geprüft; insbesondere wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob möglicherweise zusätzlich der Staat wegen mangelnder Atomaufsicht haftbar gemacht werden könnte. Zudem ist zu klären, welche konkreten Schäden unter welchen Voraussetzungen überhaupt ersatzfähig sind, etwa die Kausalitätsanforderungen bei gesundheitlichen Spätfolgen oder unternehmerischen Absatzeinbußen aufgrund bloßer Gerüchte. Trotz vorhandener gesetzlicher Regeln haben Regierung und Justiz eine ganze Reihe praktischer Probleme zu lösen: Das beginnt mit der Frage, ob angesichts des Erdbebens nicht eine "außergewöhnliche Naturkatastrophe" vorliegt, die einen Haftungsausschluss zur Folge hätte. Dazu gehört außerdem, wie die Forderungen zehntausender Evakuierter rasch und gerecht durchgesetzt und abgewickelt werden können und wie die Finanzierung gewährleistet wird, wenn die Mittel des Betreibers aufgebraucht sind.Wenngleich zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt angesichts der noch unvollständigen Faktenlage und im Fluss befindlicher politischer Verhandlungen nicht auf Hypothesen verzichtet werden kann, zeichnet sich im Ergebnis bereits ein außergerichtliches, von hoheitlich angeordneten, vorläufigen Pauschalzahlungen flankiertes Verfahren ab. Auch in materieller Hinsicht scheint die Rechtsfindung und Finanzierung nicht unerheblich von der Politik determiniert zu werden. Trotz der grundsätzlich unbegrenzten Haftung des Betreibers trifft wohl die wirtschaftliche Last über eine Deckungsvorsorge und Unterstützungszahlungen zuvörderst den Fiskus. Zudem sollen nach Kabinettsplänen weitere Stromkonzerne und Banken – freiwillig, d.h. bislang ohne Rechtsgrundlage – über den Haftungsfonds mitbelastet werden. Die vorläufigen Ergebnisse, die sich v.a. als Diskussionsanstoß verstehen, werden schließlich einer kritischen rechtspolitischen und volkswirtschaftlichen Bewertung zugeführt. Dabei werden auch Vergleiche zu verfahrens- und verfassungsrechtlichen Problemen der Bewältigung anderer Krisen, wie der Ölkatastrophe im Golf von Mexiko 2010, oder dem "Atom-Moratorium" in Deutschland angestellt. ; This paper is intended to give a first comprehensive overview of the legal problems and corresponding political implications of the largest liability case in Japanese history – the Fukushima Dai'ichi nuclear disaster. Starting with a survey of the relevant provisions of nuclear liability law, the paper draws upon legal precedents, Japanese legal scholarship and press reports, as well as the first report of the newly established Nuclear Damage Dispute Resolution Panel.Amongst other issues, the paper attempts to establish who is liable by law, who will actually have to carry the burden of the damages estimated to be as high as 86 billion Euro, and which victims of the catastrophe (e.g. the evacuated population, affected fishermen, farmers or the power plant staff) can claim compensation. Other causes of action beyond nuclear liability law, e.g. from labour and social law, are also investigated. In particular, the question is asked whether the state could additionally be made liable because of insufficient nuclear energy supervision. Furthermore, it has to be clarified which damages can be compensated at all, such as loss of profits because of rumours. Despite the existing legal regulations, the government and the judiciary have to resolve a number of practical issues, including whether the earthquake can be considered an "extraordinary natural disaster", which would lead to the exclusion of liability. Another pressing issue is how the claims of the thousands of evacuees can be handled in a swift and just manner and how financial means are found once the funds of the nuclear operator are exhausted.Since the facts are as yet incomplete and political negotiations are still in process, one must currently rely on hypotheses, but even so it is possible to outline an extrajudicial procedure involving government-regulated preliminary compensation payments. Also with regard to material law, the legal solutions seem to be determined by politics to a considerable extent. Despite the unlimited liability of the nuclear operator under the code, the economic burden falls primarily on the treasury, which has entered indemnification agreements and is to pay state aid to the utility. Moreover, according to cabinet plans, electric power companies and financial institutions (as yet without a legal basis) are required to "voluntarily" contribute to a nuclear damage compensation fund established for the victims. The preliminary results, which are above all meant to serve as a stimulus for discussion, are finally assessed through a critical legal and economic lens. This assessment leads to comparisons to procedural and constitutional problems that have occurred during other crises, such as the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010 or the moratorium on nuclear energy in Germany.

"In order to make precise and forward-looking decisions in nearly all social fields, detailed information on the size and structure of prospective populations in specific regional areas is needed. For that purpose, this article will show how current trends of demographic parameters affect the development of the population in administrative districts of the federal state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania until 2030. Based upon population data from 1982 until 2005, provided by the Federal State Agency of Statistics of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, this paper presents a projection of the population as well as the aging and the sex proportion of the federal state until 2030. The development of off-county cities, counties and the whole federal state were calculated by applying the cohort-survival- method and prediction module of the Federal State Agency of Statistics of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The fertility and migration assumptions chosen, are following the assumptions of the last coordinated population projection of the Federal State Agency of Statistics of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (2007). The mortality assumptions enter the analysis analogously to the county- and sex-specific projections of life expectancy, as they are used within the Lee-Carter-method (1982 - 2005). The results show a population decrease of about 180.000 inhabitants until 2030 for the entire federal state with strongest population loss until 2012. In the following years the outflow of people strongly decreases, because cohorts in migration relevant ages are missing. The population development of the six off-county cities is rather different. Rostock and Greifswald will note a population increase until 2030, whereas the number of residents in Wismar and Stralsund will be stable. Schwerin and Neubrandenburg will lose residents. Every county will diminish enormously; except Bad Doberan which has to count on a population increase, while Uecker-Randow and Demmin will lose most inhabitants. In the forthcoming years the counties will not only be shrinking, but they will also age above average. The mean age of all counties will grow by 10.5 years until 2030. In the cities it will increase by 4.4 years and for entire Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania it will increase by 8.2 years. Counties with positive population development will age most slightly. The absolute quantity as well as the relative proportion of seniors (aged 64+) and oldest old (aged 79+) will grow in all counties. A similar picture can be seen in the cities, where the absolute quantities of oldest old and seniors will also increase, wheras the relative proportions are smaller. In 2030 the proportion of seniors of all cities will be below the federal state mean, except for Neubrandenburg. Overall, inhabitants aged 50 and older will increase, whilst persons in reproductive ages between 15 and 49 years will exhibit a declining proportion of population. Hence, the birth deficit will be further intensified. Moreover, a high predominance of men within the younger population could be discovered for the 1990s. This predominance of men will be put forward as a cohort effect in older age groups during the following years. At county level it can be shown, that the projected values for the cities comparatively turn out to be more positive, whilst the projections for some counties give a more pessimistic outlook. The latter finding has to be traced back to the migration assumptions. This projection is on par with results of previous projections which also showed shrinkage and aging trends for Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Updated federal state population quantities reflect both processes as well. The projected, further increasing absolute quantities of older and the decreasing quantities of young people in urban and less populated regions, imply an urgent need for action from political and economical decision makers. An age-appropriate infrastructure as well as a good performing care- and health system for the growing number of further aging persons are required to absorb the ongoing and projected trends. Political decisions have especially to be made for sparsely populated regions to maintain security of supply and infrastructure." (author's abstract)