Suchergebnisse

The objective of this article is to analyze the strategic partnership between Brazil and Uruguay in the years 2003-2014 from the perspective of Brazilian international insertion. In order to do this three main aspects are considered: the limits and potentials of Brazil as a regional power, the context of South American regional politics and the strategy of the government of Lula da Silva and Rousseff administrations regarding these issues. The article is guided by a multi-scale approach, also focusing on some domestic and external dynamics of Brazilian foreign policy. It is noted that the above-mentioned strategic partnership acquired great relevance to the Brazilian proposal of integration, as well as to its national development goals, giving field to considerable advances in both ventures, since it is compatible with the idea of international insertion of Brazil and with its structural limitations. ; Peer reviewed

We analyze an understudied mode of democratization in which the acquiescence of an autocratic regime's foreign ally, or patron, is pivotal to the success of a democratic movement. Although a democratic patron may prefer having democracy in its dependent allies, regime change threatens the economic and security benefits associated with the alliance. We formalize this dilemma through a repeated principal-agent model and demonstrate that the critical dimension is the patron's beliefs about the potential democracy's policies rather than its value for democracy or the alliance goods. Patron support hinges on democratic movement signaling of its capacity to rule, popular support, and commitment to preserving the alliance. To test our theory, we analyze twenty-five democratic openings in American cold war clients, followed by case studies of US-aided democratization episodes in the Philippines and South Korea. We conclude with an analysis of the recent Egyptian revolution.

Purely by chance, 1999 brought together the main themes of Australian foreign policy during this century, especially the second half of it. The year was dominated by issues arising out of East Timor, the ramifications of which went far beyond the narrow confines of that sad territory. Australians faced questions of basic identity: our role and place in the region; the value and costs of the American alliance; the influence of domestic sentiment on foreign policy; the limitations of Australian power and influence; human rights; the South Pacific; and foreign trade. In this article, I will look at how events during 1999 shed light on some of these basic issues. I will not attempt to cover everything that happened; nor even less to give a blow-by-blow account of all the detail. I also ignore some important questions and relationships where there were no significant changes in 1999.

Purely by chance, 1999 brought together the main themes of Australian foreign policy during this century, especially the second half of it. The year was dominated by issues arising out of East Timor, the ramifications of which went far beyond the narrow confines of that sad territory. Australians faced questions of basic identity: our role and place in the region; the value and costs of the American alliance; the influence of domestic sentiment on foreign policy; the limitations of Australian power and influence; human rights; the South Pacific; and foreign trade. In this article, I will look at how events during 1999 shed light on some of these basic issues. I will not attempt to cover everything that happened; nor even less to give a blow-by-blow account of all the detail. I also ignore some important questions and relationships where there were no significant changes in 1999.

We analyze an understudied mode of democratization in which the acquiescence of an autocratic regime's foreign ally, or patron, is pivotal to the success of a democratic movement. Although a democratic patron may prefer having democracy in its dependent allies, regime change threatens the economic and security benefits associated with the alliance. We formalize this dilemma through a repeated principal-agent model and demonstrate that the critical dimension is the patron's beliefs about the potential democracy's policies rather than its value for democracy or the alliance goods. Patron support hinges on democratic movement signaling of its capacity to rule, popular support, and commitment to preserving the alliance. To test our theory, we analyze twenty-five democratic openings in American cold war clients, followed by case studies of US-aided democratization episodes in the Philippines and South Korea. We conclude with an analysis of the recent Egyptian revolution.

AbstractMost scholarship on international migration focuses on the incorporation of ethnic and religious minorities into societies in Europe and North America. Much of this work overlooks that a very substantial part of contemporary flows of migration happen within well‐trodden pathways of language, commercial ties and cultural imagination established by colonial empires and the networks of exchange and control they enabled. Adopting a notion of the post‐imperial formation as a crucial economic and cultural factor in contemporary migration flows affords one to understand a much broader set of migratory movements beyond the Euro‐American context. In this article, I explore two such examples – migration to Johannesburg and Durban in South Africa, and labour migration from the Indian subcontinent to the Gulf States – in the light of how movement of labour, commercial transactions and religious‐cultural difference were managed within the British imperial and post‐imperial formation.

Keen to establish itself as an actor with greater importance in global geopolitics, today's Brazil seeks a foreign policy in accordance with its present stature and aspirations. Over the course of the last two decades, Brazil's strong economic growth and democratic stability have turned the country into an attractive partner for commercial and political relationships. The difficulties in advancing tariff negotiations within the Free Trade Area of the Americas, and in reaching a consensus within MERCOSUR (a free trade agreement between several South American states) and the European Union forced the Brazilian government to consider other trade partners. The Middle East, especially the Arab countries, offered Brazil an alternate path from which to diversify its commercial agenda. Since the last decade, Brazil has been actively engaged in an agenda of diffusion of global power and of gaining more influence in global governance both in the economic and political realms. Adapted from the source document.

Utilizing a comparative and historical perspective, we interrogate claims of progress focusing on low-wage Black and White women workers from 1970 to 2000. We begin by offering a historical perspective on occupational segregation by race and gender, which informs the evaluation of low-wage Black women's occupational progress. We then situate Black women's occupational attainment since 1970 within the larger context of labor market restructuring, which fundamentally changed the occupational landscape. We find no evidence that industrial and occupational upgrading among low-wage Black women, particularly in the South, from 1970 to 2000 narrowed the racial wage gap among low-wage women. The wage gap between low-wage Black and White women declined because of larger changes in the American economy, which reduced the quality of those jobs, eroding the wage advantage that White women in the white-collar service sector once enjoyed.

The Neogene Tropical Western Central Atlantic-South American faunal assemblage from the Pirabas Formation (Early Miocene) has specific and unique features, which distinguishes it from the rest of the Proto-Caribbean Subprovince in diversity, paleoceanographic condition and ecosystems. Principal component analysis (PCA) distinguished three groups of localities with similar faunas (Group A: Ilha de Fortaleza, Colônia Pedro Teixeira and Praia de Fortalezinha; Group B: Estação Agronômica, Ilha de Marajó, Turiacu, Baixo Parnaíba, Aricuru and Salinópolis; Group C: Capanema B-17 Mine) and five different depositional facies (surf zone, beach, lagoons, tidal channel and tidal delta), in agreement with previous geological studies showing heterogeneous paleoenvironments among the outcrops. These heterogeneous lithostratigraphic sequences suggest different members, and may be related to different ages along the Pirabas sequence. The Neogene Northwestern Atlantic Subprovince is erected to encompass this entire geographical area.

Daniela Gleizer declares, not once, but twice in El exilio incómodo that "México no es, ni ha sido, un país de inmigración" (pages 15 and 41). This statement surely would surprise the 30,000 Spanish Republican exiles in the 1930s and appreciable numbers of Central and South American refugees during the Cold War, who fled their homelands and found safe haven in Mexico. It likely will come as a revelation to many Mexicans. But as Gleizer makes clear, nations can be welcoming to some and inhospitable to others. Jews during the 1930s and 1940s fit into this latter category. In this, they were not alone: during the period between the World Wars, the Mexican government found Asians, Eastern Europeans, gypsies, and blacks undesirable as well. President Lázaro Cárdenas' generous offer of political asylum to Spanish political refugees in the aftermath of their Civil War was the aberration.

Many commentators have noted the existence of a historical correlation between cities and democratization. This image of the city as an inherently civic space is linked to the notion that the spatial concentration intrinsic to urban contexts promotes a democracy of proximity. Seen from this perspective, it is perhaps not surprising that the most urbanized region of the global south, Latin America, is also a heartland of vibrant and much applauded democratic innovation. Of particular note are the myriad local level 'radical democracy' initiatives that have proliferated throughout the region's cities during the past two decades. At the same time, however, it is a significant paradox that Latin American urban centres are also amongst the most segregated in the world, something that is widely considered to have a significantly fragmenting effect on public space, and is therefore undermining of democracy.

For many Americans, the United States' war with Al-Qaeda began on September 11, 2001 and focuses on the mountains of Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, in the eyes of Al-Qaeda, the war against the U.S. started nine years earlier in Yemen. Al-Qaeda has never lost sight of its strong connection to Yemen and the U.S. has slowly learned a valuable lesson from this: Al-Qaeda in Yemen possesses an equal, if not greater, direct threat to the U.S. and its allies than Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan or Pakistan currently does.This paper examines the rise and evolution of Al-Qaeda in Yemen. Specifically, it investigates the crumbling socio-economic and political conditions in south Yemen that have allowed for Al-Qaeda to flourish there, and presents potential counter-terrorism policies the U.S. can take to undermine the group's ability to function globally or within Yemen itself.

For many Americans, the United States' war with Al-Qaeda began on September 11, 2001 and focuses on the mountains of Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, in the eyes of Al-Qaeda, the war against the U.S. started nine years earlier in Yemen. Al-Qaeda has never lost sight of its strong connection to Yemen and the U.S. has slowly learned a valuable lesson from this: Al-Qaeda in Yemen possesses an equal, if not greater, direct threat to the U.S. and its allies than Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan or Pakistan currently does.This paper examines the rise and evolution of Al-Qaeda in Yemen. Specifically, it investigates the crumbling socio-economic and political conditions in south Yemen that have allowed for Al-Qaeda to flourish there, and presents potential counter-terrorism policies the U.S. can take to undermine the group's ability to function globally or within Yemen itself.

This article focuses on the transnational security consultancy industry and its delivery of elite rescue services across the globe's most hostile regions. It charts the evolution of leading firms through successive strategic alliances, from initial collaborations with the kidnap and ransom insurance sector in Latin America to more recent ventures with international providers of emergency medical assistance. While the accumulated rescue toolkit of these guardians of global mobility is primarily targeted toward protecting those affluent travelers who venture into the global south, it is increasingly also filtering back up into the global north, most specifically into the American homeland by a process of "neo-liberal (re)turn." Acknowledging recent cross-disciplinary discourse on the securitized containment of "deviant" travel, increased research attention is drawn to the deployment of sophisticated security solutions and their facilitation of the globetrotting elite. Adapted from the source document.