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The paper analyzes what is the current position of the Western Balkans in the
context of contemporary European trends and events. The author considers the
European and Euro-Atlantic integration a certain attempt to ?relocate? the
whole region of the Western Balkans from an obvious periphery to a
semi-periphery position. The focus of analysis is on numerous problems such
as continued revitalization of the local ethno-nationalisms, structural
economic crisis, the presence of high levels of organized crime and
corruption. The author points out that, so far, numerous attempts of the most
influential members of the international community primarily the United
States and the European Union have failed to promote the improvement of the
relations between new-formed countries and to establish a sort of regional
identity. The author argues that the creation of the antagonistic identities
of the states and nations of the Western Balkans during the breakup of the
former Yugoslav federation was the main obstacle to the creation of the
common identity. The author concludes that, in view of the new growing trends
of ethnic nationalisms and certain forms of extremism and radicalism, the
?relocation? of the Western Balkans from European periphery to the
semi-periphery will not be short-term or easy, as evidenced by numerous
internal problems and problems in bilateral relations.

Автор анализирует особенности историографической ситуации в современной Латвии. Выявлены основные особенности развития исторических исследований транзитных обществ. Проанализированы системные черты и особенности развития латышской историографии как формы академических исторических исследований и развития исторической национальной памяти в контексте «больших нарративов». «Большие нарративы» в современной латышской историографии анализируются как основная форма развития исторического знания. Показана взаимозависимость развития политического национализма и исторической науки. Проанализированы основные формы и направления развития исторических исследований в Латвии в контексте общих трансформаций исторического знания. Показана роль истории в развитии национальной идентичности и актуализации национализма. ; The author analyzes features of historiographical situation in the present-day Latvia. The basic features of the development of historical studies in transit societies are analyzed. The system features and characteristics of the Latvian historiography as a form of academic historical studies and the development of historical memory in the context of the national "grand narratives" are also discussed. The "grand narratives" in contemporary Latvian historiography are analyzed as the main form of historical knowledge. The relationships of political nationalism and historical science are studied in the article. The basic forms and directions of development of historical studies in Latvia in the context of the general transformation of historical knowledge are also discussed. The role of history in the development of national identity and nationalism actualization is also studied.

AbstractBenedict Anderson'sImagined Communitieshas long been established as one of the major contributions to theories of nations and nationalism. Anderson located the rise of national identities within a long-evolving crisis of dynastic conceptions of identity, time, and space, and argued print-capitalism was the key cultural and economic force in the genesis of nations. This article offers a critical appropriation and application of Anderson's theory through two steps. Firstly, it evaluates the conceptual underpinning of his approach through an engagement with recent scholarship on the 'theory of uneven and combined development'. The fruits of this interchange provide a deeper analytical framework to account for what Anderson calls the 'modularity' of national identity, that is, its universal spread across the globe. Modularity is now reconceptualised as a product of combined development with its causal efficacy derived from the latent dynamics of a geopolitically fragmented world. The latter gave shape and form to the new national communities. Secondly, this revised framework is applied to the emergence of Chinese national identity in the late nineteenth century. This allows Chinese nationalism to be recast as an ideological amalgam of indigenous and imported elements that emerged out of the crisis-ridden encounter between Imperial China and Western imperialism in the nineteenth century.

Following the attacks on September 11, 2001 (thatkilled approximately three thousand people) theUnited States began waging war abroad, resulting inthe deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians andpermanently displacing millions of innocent people.The interpretation of 9/11 as an act of war by the U.S.government and the mainstream news mediaprovided the pretext for military aggression,legitimating war and militarization—on the basis of"national security". This produced conditions for theheroic-narrative of the savior-nation to emerge,expressing itself in the United States' "War on Terror".The idea of the "War on Terror" was introduced in theaftermath of a lingering national trauma—in manyways generated by the government and themainstream news media. Its repetition allowed it tobecome physically embodied in the human brain, andthereby, orienting people toward nationalism and theuse of violence. This study places identity at thecenter of the problem, arguing that "American"identity is dependent upon the existence of anenemy- other (negative identity). Drawing upondiscoveries in cognitive science and neurosciencepermits one to appreciate the role of language andnarrative in the construction of identity and theimplications it has for both war and peace. Combiningthis research with a philosophical and religiousanalysis of the United States captures a trend in theactions, thought, and beliefs that help form the"American" self and its relationship to violence.KEYWORDS: militarization, nationalism, heroicnarrative,language, identity

Patriotic songs basically originated from the history of education in Indonesia, starting from intellectualcircle and teachers in pre-independence era initiated by the Boedi Oetomo movement (1908), the 1928Youth Pledge and post 1945 independence. The form and meaning of the patriotic songs, either onvocals or with instruments, take place in ceremonial activities and performance art. According to AlanM. Meriam and RM. Soedarsono, this applies to public school, the Indonesian Air Force, and GeloraBahana Patria Choir. As for character education, the specialty of Yogyakarta reflects its identity as acity of struggle, city of education and city of arts and culture. According to the theory of transformation,something new, including the arrangements of patriotic songs in the forms of march, hymn, romancefor parade, military defile and aubade, is to restore the spirit of nationalism and patriotism. The successof transforming the patriotic songs so as to have new atmosphere is dependent on the various abilitiesto make the arrangement works, so that they can draw attention from the doers and the listeners andfunction in ceremony and performance art. In line with the Decree of the Ministry of National Educationof 2011 items 10 and 11 regarding the values of nationalism and patriotism, we can realize those valuesby singing patriotic songs, using Indonesian language as the unifying language, and acknowledging,appreciating and commemorating the services of national heroes.

The interinfluence of the social and economic, political and ideological components of the post-communist transformation in Estonia is investigated. It has been demonstrated that the economical transformation was under the influence more with the social and political factors such as experience of the democratic governance, fast transfer from Soviet regime to democratic then with start conditions. But the research of the democracy characteristics has shown that the Estonian path was complicated with the nationalism surge, and phenomenon of non-citizens. When Estonia had started the procedure of joining the European Union, the "ethnic democracy" was criticized and second, still unfinished now, stage of liberalization reforms began. ; The interinfluence of the social and economic, political and ideological components of the post-communist transformation in Estonia is investigated. It has been demonstrated that the economical transformation was under the influence more with the social and political factors such as experience of the democratic governance, fast transfer from Soviet regime to democratic then with start conditions. But the research of the democracy characteristics has shown that the Estonian path was complicated with the nationalism surge, and phenomenon of non-citizens. When Estonia had started the procedure of joining the European Union, the "ethnic democracy" was criticized and second, still unfinished now, stage of liberalization reforms began.

This study aims to find out the influence of Pan Islamism to the political of Egypt. The method is historical method. Data collection techniques are literature and documentation, while the data analysis is a qualitative data. From the research, the authors obtained that influence of Pan Islamism on political life in Egypt are three aspects of government power, nationalism, militancy and power. Pan Islamism managed to move struggle of people to sit in Egyptian government agencies. Pan Islamism expand cultivation of nationalism and unity encouraging Egyptians to fight against British policy. Pan Islamism successful form of mass forces against British policy in 1919-1922. Penelitian ini bertujuan mencari pengaruh Pan Islamisme terhadap kehidupan politik Mesir. Metode dalam penelitian ini adalah metode historis. Teknik pengumpulan data adalah kepustakaan dan dokumentasi, teknik analisis datanya merupakan analisis data kualitatif. Dari penelitian ini diperoleh hasil bahwa pengaruh Pan Islamisme terhadap kehidupan politik Mesir antara lain kekuasaan pemerintahan, nasionalisme dan kekuatan militansi. Pan Islamisme berhasil menggerakkan perjuangan rakyat duduk dalam lembaga pemerintahan Mesir. Pan Islamisme memperluas penanaman rasa nasionalisme dan memberikan semangat persatuan bangsa Mesir melawan kebijakan Inggris. Pan Islamisme juga berhasil membentuk kekuatan massa melawan kebijakan Inggris pada tahun 1919-1922. Kata kunci: kehidupan mesir, pan islamisme, pengaruh

The stigmatization of Caribbean postcolonial nation-states in the Western imagination as exemplifying some of the most homophobic nationalisms masks a more-nuanced reading of the complexities of Caribbean modernity. As such, the hardening of homophobic nationalisms in settings such as Trinidad and Tobago forces us to question how and why compulsory homophobia is deployed as a form of moral discipline that is made to seem compatible with postcolonial modernity. This article explores the "problem space" of state-sanctioned homophobia as a regulative and generative (not simply repressive) force in postcolonial nationstates. It first briefly theorizes how compulsory homophobia has become a mandate of state-popular affinity in the postindependent era that conditions the possibility of pluralistic consensus in the postcolonial nation-state. Within this context, the author further explores a historic court case involving the "wrongful arrest" and alleged strip search of an out gay subject by state police officials. Some analytic insights into the strip search and subsequent court case testimonies are offered with a view to understanding the regulatory and generative potentials of institutionalized homophobia. The implications of this case for an incipient LGBT activist platform are also discussed as an expansion of the complex debates about sexual citizenship and political community within the postcolonial condition.

Abstract
When planning China's future revolution, Sun Yat-sen at one time used the model of the West. Since China is after all a part of Asia, however, and as his understanding of the corrupt and critical state of the Western system of capitalism grew, he eventually looked once again to Asia. He advocated collaborating with Japan, and approved of allying with various oppressed peoples in Asia. He planned to join forces with other Asian nations in order to stop Western encroachment in Asia. He divided the world into two major categories: the oppressors and the oppressed. He sought independence, equality, prosperity, and power for the oppressed, and proposed a new world order of peace and justice. He considered nationalism to be the basis of cosmopolitanism. Only by restoring national equality to the oppressed nations would those nations be able to move toward cosmopolitanism. For Sun, societies should deal appropriately with the relationship between cosmopolitanism and nationalism, both of which necessarily were to endure profound, universal judgment from people around the world. Humankind was to reawaken and rally together to help their own respective cultures. China's traditional morality was to spread to merge with the morally good elements of every country in the world, creating the foundation for building a new world citizen morality.

Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis tarik menarik negara dan agama dalam kurikulum Madrasah Aliyah masa Orde Baru. Analisis dilakukan terhadap pokok bahasan dari empat mata pelajaran yang tampak nyata mengandung muatan politik kebangsaan dan dua mata pelajaran yang sarat dengan muatan politik keislaman, serta perkembangan masing-masing pokok bahasan dalam empat bentuk kurikulum Madrasah Aliyah sepanjang masa Orde Baru. Penelitian kualitatif strukturalisme ini berusaha menemukan tentang pola-pola yang terbentuk dari hubungan atau tarik menarik ini. Dari kajian ini penulis menyimpulkan bahwa Madrasah Aliyah pada masa Orde Baru mengajarkan muatan politik nasionalisme lebih banyak daripada materi pendidikan politik Islam.Abstract: Political Education of Nationalism and Islamic Politics in the Curriculum of Madrasah Aliyah in the New Order Era. This research aims at analizing relations between state and religion in the curriculum of Madrasah Aliyah in the New Order Era. The study focuses on components from four subjects that include contents of nation politics and two subject instructions that include matters of Islam politics. In this qualitative structuralism study, the author concludes on the patterns formed by such interaction. The author also maintains that Madrasah Aliyah in the New Order Era provided more on the politics of nationalism rather than those of subjects of education of Islamic politics.Kata Kunci: kurikulum, kebangsaan, Islam, politik

This thesis seeks to explain the nature and strength of the latter-day status of Ştefan cel Mare in the republics of Romania and Moldova, and the history of his legacy. The regime and posthumous career of Ştefan cel Mare is examined through studies of history, politics and archaeology, set within the conceptual approach to nationalism that is known as "ethnosymbolism". At the heart of this thesis lie the questions why does Ştefan cel Mare play a key role as a national symbol and how does this work in practice? These questions are addressed within an ethnosymbolist framework, which allows for the ethnosymbolist approach itself to be subjected to a critical study. There is a lacuna in many ethnosymbolist works, a space for a more detailed consideration of the place of archaeology in the development of nationalism. This thesis contends that the results of archaeological research can be included in a rounded ethnosymbolist study. First, the history of archaeological sites and monuments may contribute to understanding the way in which historically attested cultural symbols are adopted by communities over time. Secondly, if studied carefully, archaeological evidence may have the potential to trace the evolution of identity characteristics, in line with ethnosymbolism's attempt to account for the formation of national identity in the pre-modern era.

In the spring of 2008, Chinese students worldwide staged demonstrations to "protect" the relay of the Olympic torch from protesters and to condemn Western media coverage of the violence in Tibet. Hundreds of thousands of mostly young Chinese then posted and discussed images and accounts of these events online, creating a transnational "protopublic space" that projected the imagery of fashionable and self-confident Chinese students marching through San Francisco and Sydney back onto the streets of Wuhan and Hefei, demonstrating the role of young Chinese outside China in shaping nationalist discourse inside the country. Based on ethnographic observation of demonstrations in Sydney and Canberra and on the analysis of the online discussion that surrounded the worldwide events on the Chinese Internet, this article explores the mobilization that led to them, the meanings of the demonstrations for participants, and the public personalities ("heroes" and "traitors") that emerged from them. Unlike constructivist and primordialist analyses of Chinese nationalism that explain its growth by referring to the role of the state or to historical memory, we interpret the displays of nationalism by Chinese youth across the globe not only as an emotional experience of identifying with the nation but simultaneously as a show of middle-class sophistication, creativity and, paradoxically, cosmopolitanism. (China J/GIGA)

"Methodological nationalism restricts the focus on transnational migrants in Europe, in particular
in the Upper-Rhine border area (France-Germany-Switzerland). Three main limitations
can be underlined: to start with, the ignorance of nationalism in contemporary social science
research, including in migration and border studies; moreover, the naturalization of the nation-
state that contributes to shape numerous social science biases; finally, territorial limitations
that constrain research topics (Wimmer and Glick Schiller 2002).
To overcome those issues, this research combines three methodological perspectives: first,
a socio-historical analysis of transnational migrants in the Rhineland area, in order to comprehend
past and contemporary dynamics; second, a socio-political approach that stresses
the migrants' "ways of being" (Glick Schiller 2005), including their activism and rhetoric, e.g.
direct observations and interviews in multiple sites; third, a pluri-scalar approach that implies
several levels of analysis, e.g. local, regional, cross-border, transnational and supra-national.
The analysis of transnational migrants' public action in the Rhineland Valley suggests a triple
hypothesis: those transnational migrants' activists elaborate a public discourse against a
specific political and social stigmatization (Becker [1963] 1997); they also institutionalize and
reinforce social movements with highly trained lawyers that defend their interests at the highest
European jurisdictional level; they create empirically an original form of transnational
quasi-trade unions." [author's abstract]

AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.