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On 25 November 1975, representatives of five South American intelligence services held a secret meeting in the city of Santiago, Chile. At the end of the gathering, the participating delegations agreed to launch Operation Condor under the pretext of coordinating counterinsurgency activities, sharing information to combat leftist guerrillas and stopping an alleged advance of Marxism in the region. Condor, however, went much further than mere exchanges of information between neighbours. It was a plan to transnationalize state terrorism beyond South America. This book identifies the reasons why the South American military regimes chose this strategic path at a time when most revolutionary movements in the region were defeated, in the process of leaving behind armed struggle and resuming the political path. One of Condor's most intriguing features was the level of cooperation achieved by these governments considering the distrust, animosity and historical rivalries between these countries' armed forces. This book explores these differences and goes further than previous lines of inquiry, which have focused predominantly on the conflict between Latin American leftist guerrillas and the armed forces, to study the contribution made by other actors such as civilian anticommunist figures and organizations, and the activities conducted by politically active exiles and their supporters in numerous countries. This broader approach confirms that the South American dictatorships launched the Condor Plan to systematically eliminate any kind of opposition, especially key figures and groups involved in the denunciation of the regimes' human rights violations

Is Botswana still 'an African miracle'? Thanks to diamonds the country's growth rate was the highest in the world into the 1990s, and regular parliamentary elections judged free on polling day have been held since 1965. However a duopoly of presidentialism and ruling party preponderance has stimulated arrogance, complacency and corruption among the country's rulers. What is 'perpetual democracy'? The ruling BDP is kept in perpetual power by the first-past-the post election system. The President in Botswana is empowered to do whatever he pleases. President Mogae has amended the constitution to ensure the automatic succession of the Vice-President General Ian Khama, the son of Seretse and Ruth Khama. A new Directorate of Intelligence Services provides closer control of power. Why are the Khoisan confined to 'a gulag of special settlements'? The expulsion of the San from Central Kalahari Game Reserve was relentlessly enforced in 1997 and 2002. A multi-cultural coalition asserts that the government is implementing 'a philosophy of cultural genocide on the non-Tswana tribes'. How can the gift of diamonds be turned to reform? Professor Good asserts the need to strengthen and democratise the electoral and voting systems. He sees diversification as essential to reduce the dependency on diamonds. He urges the use of mineral wealth to reduce the gap between rich and poor; half of the population are at present in poverty in a rich country. KENNETH GOOD was Professor of Politics at the University of Botswana when he was expelled from the country. South Africa: Jacana

Long before Germany's blitzkrieg swept the West, European leaders had received many signals of its imminence. Stalin, too, had abundant warning of German designs on Russia but believed that by avoiding "provocative" defensive measures he could avert the attack that finally came in June 1941. And the stories of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the Korean War, and three Arab-Israeli conflicts are replete with missed opportunities to react to unmistakable warnings. Richad K. Betts analyzes surprise attacks during the mid-twentieth century to illustrate his thesis: surprise attacks occur, not because intelligence services fail to warn, but because of the disbelief of political leaders. "Although the probability is low that the United States will fail to deter direct attack by the Soviet Union," Betts says, "the intensity of the threat warrants painstaking analysis of how to cope with it." His own investigation of the historical, psychological, political, diplomatic, and military aspects of his subject heightens understanding of why surprise attacks succeed and why victim nations fail to respond to warnings. In discussing current policy he focuses on the defense of Western Europe and applies the lessons of history to U.S. defense planning, offering detailed recommendations for changes in strategy. Obviously some of the potential dangers of military surprise cannot be prevented. The important thing, he emphasizes, is that "without forces that exceed requirements (the solution Moscow appears to have chosen), it is vital to ensure that what forces exist can be brought to bear when needed.

AbstractThe year 2022 was marked by the onset of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In February, the Greek government was quick to respond in support of the Ukrainian people defending their homeland. The city of Mariupol, home to a significant Greek diasporic community, was at the epicenter of the public's attention. Energy prices skyrocketed because of the war. Inflation, which was already at 5 per cent—the highest point in a decade—by the end of 2021, continued to soar reaching 12 per cent in the summer and an overall 7.2 per cent by the end of the year. Gross domestic product per capita increased at a faster rate than expected, but the trade deficit of the country also increased dramatically. The government continued to deal with the devastating impact of the pandemic. In May, Prime Minister (PM) Mitsotakis became the first Greek head of government to address a joint session of the US Congress at a time when Greek–Turkish relations deteriorated. In July, a wiretapping scandal targeting one of the opposition leaders, but also journalists, shook the political system and unseated the head of the National Intelligence Service, as well as the PM's general secretary, who was overseeing the agency. In December, Member of the European Parliament Eva Kaili was arrested and jailed in a Belgian prison as part of the so‐called Qatargate scandal. The ruling party, New Democracy, remained hegemonic. The main opposition party, the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, continued to struggle. Finally, a staggering number of femicides occurred in 2022, 16 in total.

It has been nearly 15 years since the 2007 anti-terrorism police raids targeting the Ngāi Tūhoe (Tuhoe) iwi (tribe) who reside in the center of New Zealand's North Island. The violent treatment inflicted upon Tūhoe by New Zealand Police and the Security Intelligence Service (SIS) raised questions around the policing and punishing of Indigenous expressions of dissent. In light of recent events, revisiting how policymakers addressed the Raids offers much-needed critical analysis of the policing and surveillance of Māori in the contemporary context. This qualitative study seeks to understand how policymakers framed the 2007 Raids in discussions of crime control policy after the fact. A content analysis of Hansard's (parliamentary) debates of the 2009 Organised Crime Bill reveals that the Raids emerged primarily in discussions to expand police powers and implement harsher penalties for gang-related activity. Green, Māori, and the Labor parties framed the Raids as an act of state violence, a failed operation, a waste of taxpayers' dollars, and a repeat of similar, historical acts of state violence against the Tūhoe people. Taking the Raids as a point of departure, the second part of the paper argues that two key events reveal a continuing project focused on the extensive policing and surveillance of Indigenous bodies in Aotearoa New Zealand: (1) the Armed Response Team (ART) trials of 2020, and (2) the ongoing extralegal photographing of Māori youth by law enforcement. These events are discussed as chronic acts of violence that lead to different life outcomes for survivors.

In the article the authors argue that the strategy and arsenal of hybrid (asymmetrical, unconventional) warfare in the contemporary world are fundamentally based on the qualitative changes that took place at the turn of the XXI century as a result of radical changes in the balance of power in the international arena, chaos in international relations, the development of new types of lethal and non-lethal weapons, new technologies of constructing and dismantling social communities with predetermined characteristics. These changes involved the conceptual framework, structure, strategy and tactics, forms and methods of the military and political confrontation between modern states and their blocks, as well as between states and non-governmental organisations.
The authors identify the essential features and functional components of hybrid warfare, such as its latency phases; the remote undermining of national defense capabilities by non-military and non-contact means; breaching the international law of war; the integrated use of military methods as well as specific means of non-military, diplomatic, financial and economic, humanitarian pressure on a victim state. They also include the extensive use of anti-government groups and movements; illegal armed groups, separatists, irredentists, radical ethnic and religious groups, extremist organizations, and artificially constructed destructive groups; the privileged role of intelligence services, special operations forces and their use for engineering a powerful anti-government infrastructure designed to destabilize the legitimate state system; the priority role of targeted influence on public opinion through the extensive use of methods of information and psychological warfare and cyberwarfare.

In 2017 a team of journalists making research on the activities of Eastern European Intelligence Services in Latin America revealed that Vivian Trías – a renowned intelectual and leader of the Uruguayan Socialist Party had collaborated as an informant of the Tchecoslovakian Agency (Státní bezpečnost). This unexpected revelation showed in a particularly dramatic way the Trias' alternatives of political struggle against imperialism, and became a controversy within the diverse forms of leftist identities in the present days. ; En el año 2017 dos periodistas que investigaban las vinculaciones de los servicios de inteligencia del bloque socialista con organizaciones políticas de Brasil dieron a conocer que Vivian Trías, notorio intelectual y dirigente político uruguayo de izquierda, colaboró como informante de la inteligencia checoeslovaca. El episodio ha permitido indagar en las alternativas de acción política a las que se enfrentó Trías en su particular coyuntura histórica. Resulta asimismo interesante analizar las causas por las cuales el asunto se constituye en campo de disputa entre las diversas formas de entender la izquierda y militar en ella. ; Em 2017, dois jornalistas que investigavam os vínculos dos serviços de inteligência do bloco socialista com organizações políticas no Brasil anunciavam que Vivian Trías, notável líder intelectual e político uruguaiano de esquerda, colaborava como informante da inteligência da Checoslováquia. O episódio permitiu investigar as alternativas de ação política que Trías enfrentou em sua situação histórica particular. Também é interessante analisar as causas pelas quais o assunto é um campo de disputa entre as várias maneiras de entender a esquerda e o militar nele.

This monograph analyzes the current political tensions between the United States and Turkey and suggests ways to manage them. The two countries have been strategic allies since at least the end of World War II—Turkey became a North Atlantic Treaty Organization member and participated with its military forces in the Korea War, and during the Cold War protected NATO's southern flank against Soviet communism, and Turkey's military and intelligence services maintained close relationships with their Western and Israeli counterparts. These relationships were not without problems, due mostly to differences over minority and civil rights in Turkey and over Turkey's invasion of Cyprus in 1973 and continued tensions with Greece. The special relationship with the United States was put to the final test after the Islamic conservative populist political party, Justice and Development, and its current leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, came to power in 2002. Turkey opposed the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the NATO-backed regime change in Libya in 2011. Most recently, Turkey has had strained relations with Cyprus, Greece, and Israel—all key US allies—and has alienated the US Congress and select NATO members further by its October 2019 invasion of Syria against Kurdish forces aligned with the US military against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, all against a background of a military rapprochement with Russia. This monograph highlights differences between US agencies concerning Turkey, ways to reconcile them, and offers several policy recommendations for new directions. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1913/thumbnail.jpg

The article on the basis of historiographical and archival material is reviewed the raiding tactics of the circassians in the period of the Caucasian war. The article is paid attention to all main components of the raiding operation, namely: the preparation for the invasion, exploration, raid and return process of squad involved in the raiding. As sources there were attracted the documents from Russian and foreign archives, namely the central state historical archive of Georgia and the state archive of the Krasnodar region. The study methods were the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic, integrated consideration of socio-subjective in the subject of study and the maximum possible neutrality of the relationship of the researcher to interpret and evaluate factual material. The principle of historicism allows the authors to see the important phenomena and processes associated with raiding tactics of the ?ircassians during the Caucasian War on the basis of diverse facts obtained in the course of practical work with archival documents. In conclusion, the authors note that the conducting of the raid required the considerable efforts. The important attention was paid to the selection of personnel, intelligence service, the synchronicity of actions, military cunning, and also trick riding ("dzhigitovke"). The success of the raid was rapidity, so the operation was carried out only for one day. However, despite this readiness, the raid on the Russian territory was not always a win-win deal, and sometimes led to the complete destruction of the raiding group. © 2017 by Sochi State University.

Armed conflict between states in Southeast Asia has been relatively rare, especially since 1979. The most recent exception to this pattern was a border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand that turned violent in 2008 and remained militarized for more than three years. Existing studies of this long-standing conflict have concentrated on explaining the upsurge in violence between 2008 and 2011, but have tended to ignore that fighting was quickly contained each time clashes occurred. This article provides a different perspective and asks how the dispute was managed short of large-scale armed violence. To answer this question, the author adopts an agency-focused perspective that emphasizes the role of critical actors who worked to de-escalate the conflict. Based on field research conducted in Cambodia and Thailand, as well as consulting primary and secondary sources, the author adopts a historical narrative that revisits critical periods from the 1950s onwards and argues that relevant actors in both Cambodia and Thailand had long-standing incentives to avoid escalating the conflict. Two elements were critical: first, crucial actors including Cambodian and Thai bureaucrats, diplomats and members of the security and intelligence services developed an understanding of the problems inherent in defining their land border; and second, the establishment of personal contacts, even in the context of antagonistic relations. Together, these factors created possibilities for Cambodia and Thailand to cooperate in managing conflict and increased the willingness of both sides to exercise self-restraint. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

В статье в контексте современной историографической ситуации рассматривается история замысла и осуществления научно-издательского проекта «Русская военная эмиграция». Проект включает в себя подготовку и издание десяти томов документов и материалов, которые хранятся в архивах российских спецслужб и почти сто лет имели гриф «совершенно секретно». Шесть томов, изданных к настоящему времени, всесторонне освещают историю военной части русской антибольшевистской эмиграции в странах Европы. Автор, являясь участником проекта, со знанием дела рассказывает о выявлении этих уникальных документов и материалов, об археографической и научно-справочной подготовке их к публикации. Делается вывод о том, что опубликованные документы и материалы значительно расширили источниковую базу современных исследований истории русской военной эмиграции 1920-х – 1940-х гг. ; Placed in the context of the current historiographic situation, the article describes the history of the conception and implementation of the scientific research publishing project titled "Russian Military Emigration". The project includes the preparation and publication of 10 volumes of documents and materials which over a century have been kept in archives of Russian intelligence service, classified as "top secret". Six volumes published as of now cover the military content in the history of Russian anti-Bolshevik emigration in Europe. The author, who is a participant of this project, gives an expert account of how these unique documents and materials were found and prepared for scientific research publication. It is concluded that the published documents have considerably enhanced the database of modern research in the history of Russian military emigration in the 1920s – 1940s.

On 25 November 1975, representatives of five South American intelligence services held a secret meeting in the city of Santiago Chile. At the end of the gathering, the participating delegations agreed to launch Operation Cóndor under the pretext of coordinating counterinsurgency activities, sharing information to combat leftist guerrillas and stoping an alleged advance of Marxism in the region. Cóndor, however, went much further than mere exchanges of information between neighbours. It was a plan to transnationalize State Terrorism beyond South America. This dissertation identifies the reasons why the South American military regimes chose this strategic path at a time when most revolutionary movements in the region were defeated and in the process of leaving the armed struggle and resuming the political path. One of Cóndor s most intriguing features was the level of cooperation achieved by these governments considering the distrust, animosity and historical rivalries between these countries armed forces. The thesis explores these differences and goes further than previous lines of inquire, which have focused predominantly on the conflict between the Latin American leftist guerrillas and the armed forces, to study the contribution made by other actors such as civilian anticommunist figures and organizations, and the activities conducted by political active exiles and their supporters in numerous countries. This broader approach confirms that the South American dictatorships launched the Cóndor Plan to systematically eliminate any kind of opposition, especially key figures and groups involved in the denunciation of the regimes human rights violations.

In the days following 9/11, the United States reevaluated its national security policies. A new office, the Department of Homeland Security, was established. A sweeping new law called the Patriot Act was enacted to strengthen the surveillance and law enforcement capabilities of the CIA, FBI, and other law enforcement and intelligence agencies. The government dramatically increased funding for security measures. Although most Americans supported strengthening national security, the broad range of new powers granted to intelligence and law enforcement organizations made some people uneasy. There was the potential that these measures could infringe on Americans' civil liberties, such as the freedom of speech, transparency of government, and a system of checks and balances within the government. How much freedom were Americans willing to sacrifice in the name of national security? After the initial panic caused by 9/11 began to fade, lawmakers and citizens alike began to debate the ongoing security concerns as well the ramifications of increased security measures

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