Suchergebnisse

Introducing the special issue on psychosocial studies of migration and community, we briefly reflect on the global increase in, and issues related to, both international and domestic migration, particularly from rural areas of less developed countries, which has fueled rapid urbanization and intercultural tensions in both post-industrial and developing countries. Topics covered in the issue are summarized, including an Italian study of the emotional impact of discrimination against immigrant adolescents; acculturation, integration and adaptation of Muslim immigrant youth in New Zealand; perceptions of human trafficking in Moldova; Chinese migrant workers' social networks, life satisfaction and political participation; physician brain drain from sub-Saharan Africa; and a critical analysis of the oppressive and liberating impact of organizations on immigrants, multiculturalism, and social justice. The issue concludes with commentary articles by four leading international scholars of migration and community. The breadth of topics helps to address wide-ranging gaps in the literature, but more psychological and social research must connect ecologically across multiple levels and to cultural, political, economic, and environmental studies of migration and community. ; Para presentar este monográfico sobre estudios psicosociales de las migraciones y comunidad, hacemos una breve reflexión sobre cómo la era global ha supuesto un aumento de las migraciones y un cambio en los procesos asociados. Se resalta su carácter internacional y nacional—especialmente en las zonas rurales en los países menos desarrollados. Estas migraciones han impulsado una rápida urbanización y han sido el origen de múltiples tensiones interculturales tanto en países post-industrializados como en los que están en vías de desarrollo. El monográfico incluye un estudio sobre el impacto emocional de la discriminación contra los adolescentes inmigrantes en Italia; otro sobre la aculturación, integración y adaptación de los jóvenes musulmanes inmigrantes en Nueva Zelanda; un análisis de las percepciones sobre la trata de seres humanos en Moldavia; otro que aborda las redes sociales, satisfacción con la vida y participación política de los inmigrantes chinos trabajadores, incluye un estudio sobre la fuga de cerebros de los médicos del África subsahariana; y un análisis crítico de los efectos opresores y liberadores de las organizaciones de inmigrantes en las comunidades de asentamiento. El monográfico concluye con los comentarios de cuatro destacados especialistas internacionales sobre la psicología de las migraciones y la comunidad. La amplitud de los temas abordados ofrece un escenario para reflexionar sobre las lagunas existentes en la literatura, poniendo de manifiesto la necesidad que hay en la psicología de las migraciones de realizar estudios internacionales e interdisciplinares que aborden la complejidad de los múltiples niveles implicados, incluyendo aspectos culturales, políticos, económicos y ambientales.

The author examines the problematic aspects of systematization of the legislative Arsenal to combat organized crime and trafficking through the lens of raising issues of criminal law doctrine and the subject of criminal law regulation. The article focuses on the fact that the evolving Kazakh legal system at the moment is a logical product of the synthesis of doctrinal approaches and legal traditions of conventional (Muslim), pre-revolutionary (Russian-imperial), Soviet and modern globalizing law. The author, drawing on the experience of international cooperation in the process of preparation of the textbooks, refers to the features of the dynamic development of criminal law in three interrelated stages (the branch of legislation, science and academic discipline) and current and adequate doctrinal reflection in the context of globalization, modernization and innovation processes. The doctrine of criminal law and criminological science operating in tandem are entrusted with aspecial task of joint development of adequate countermeasures against modern challenges - organized, professional, terrorist crime, etc., using the technological capabilities of the fourth industrial revolution, including comprehensive digitalization. The first results can already be perceived: the criminal law regulation changes its configuration not only by bringing in it the norms of other industries, but also separate legal systems, which experts designate as convergence. It entails significant potential which opens wide horizons for the development of the doctrine of criminal law, legislation and law enforcement practice. ; Автором рассматриваются проблемные аспекты систематизации законодательного арсенала противодействия организованной преступности и торговле людьми через призму обращения к вопросам доктрины уголовного права и предмета уголовно-правового регулирования. В работе акцентируется внимание на том, что эволюционирующая казахстанская правовая система в данный момент представляет в виде закономерного продукта синтеза доктринальных подходов и правовых традиций обычного (мусульманского), дореволюционного (российско-имперского), советского и современного глобализирующего права. Автор, основываясь на опыте международного сотрудничества по подготовке учебников, обращается к особенностям динамичного развития уголовного права в трех своих взаимосвязанных ипостасях (отрасли законодательства, науки и учебной дисциплины) и своевременного и адекватного доктринального осмысления и отражения в контексте глобализационных, модернизационных и инновационных процессов. На доктрину уголовного права и криминологическую науку в тандеме возлагается особая задача совместной выработки адекватных мер противодействия современным вызовам – организованной, профессиональной, террористической преступности и др. с использованием технологических возможностей четвертой индустриальной революции, в том числе всеобъемлющей цифровизации. Первые результаты налицо: сегодня уголовно-правовое регулирование меняет свою конфигурацию не только за счет привнесения в него норм иных отраслей, но и других правовых систем, что экспертами обозначается как конвергенция. Здесь кроется серьезный потенциал и открываются широкие горизонты развития доктрины уголовного права, законодательства и правоприменительной практики.

Článek se zabývá problémy interkulturní komunikace, překladu a interpretace textu, na které Milorád Pavić klade důraz ve svém slavném románu z roku 1984, Chazarský slovník. Román se skládá ze tří lexikonů obsahujících židovské, muslimské a křesťanské zdroje o pádu chazarské civilizace v důsledku náboženské konverze k jednomu z těchto tří náboženství. Jednotlivé lexikony si nejenom příležitostně odporují, ale jsou také rozptýleny mezi tři výše zmiňované kulturní oblasti, takže jejich kompilátoři musí překonávat geopolitické, kulturní, náboženské a jazykové hranice. Tento úkol je však vysoce důležitý, neboť opětovné sestavení slovníku může přinést lidstvu vykoupení. Román po čtenáři žádá aktivní zapojení do procesu kompozice nejen během četby, ale i v reálné skutečnosti mimo text. Hranici mezi literaturou a skutečností stírá také otázka autorova možného politického zapojení během konfliktu v bývalé Jugoslávii, jehož odraz někteří kritici v románu spatřují. ; The article focuses on the problems of intercultural communication, translation and textual interpretation highlighted in Milorad Pavić's celebrated 1984 novel, Dictionary of the Khazars. The novel consists of three lexicons, namely Jewish, Muslim and Christian sources on the fall of the Khazar civilization, which resulted from the nation's conversion to one of the three faiths. The lexicons' entries are not only occasionally mutually exclusive but also scattered across the three cultures so that their compilers must bridge geopolitical, cultural, religious and linguistic divides. Yet, the task is vital as the Dictionary's re-composition has the potential to bring about humankind's redemption. The novel calls for the reader's active involvement in the composition process not only during the reading process but also beyond, in extra-textual reality. The life-literature boundary is further blurred by the author's presumed political engagement in the conflict in former Yugoslavia, whose reflection in the novel has been claimed by certain critics. ; Článek se zabývá problémy interkulturní komunikace, překladu a interpretace textu, na které Milorád Pavić klade důraz ve svém slavném románu z roku 1984, Chazarský slovník. Román se skládá ze tří lexikonů obsahujících židovské, muslimské a křesťanské zdroje o pádu chazarské civilizace v důsledku náboženské konverze k jednomu z těchto tří náboženství. Jednotlivé lexikony si nejenom příležitostně odporují, ale jsou také rozptýleny mezi tři výše zmiňované kulturní oblasti, takže jejich kompilátoři musí překonávat geopolitické, kulturní, náboženské a jazykové hranice. Tento úkol je však vysoce důležitý, neboť opětovné sestavení slovníku může přinést lidstvu vykoupení. Román po čtenáři žádá aktivní zapojení do procesu kompozice nejen během četby, ale i v reálné skutečnosti mimo text. Hranici mezi literaturou a skutečností stírá také otázka autorova možného politického zapojení během konfliktu v bývalé Jugoslávii, jehož odraz někteří kritici v románu spatřují.

This study explored how adolescents (aged 13 to 17) and young adults (aged 18 to 25) reason about the concepts of human rights and human dignity in the abstract, how they judge and justify different types of human rights violations in real-life contexts, and what systems of satisfaction of justice they endorse. Two countries were compared: Turkey and Bosnia, both secular, liberal democracies, but also the only European countries with a Muslim majority population, and both divided by conflict. Based on the data from 98 in-depth clinical interviews with randomly selected participants, 44 in each country, four dimensions of comparison were analyzed: 1) differences between reasoning in the abstract versus reasoning about specific contexts; 2) differences in reasoning related to age; 3) differences in reasoning related to country;4) differences in reasoning about different types of rights violations. Participants were first asked straightforward questions about their conceptualization of human rights, and the principles thereof, as well as the relationship of rights to human dignity. Next, they were asked to provide judgment and the underlying reasoning about four real-life situations of human rights violations, including, torture prisoners suspected of terrorism; discrimination of women who wear a headscarf; the unprotected labour of undocumented workers; and the segregation of the Roma ethnic minorities. Qualitative coding categorized the participant's justification responses into three cognitive domains of reasoning: the moral, the social-conventional and the personal. Quantitative analysis in R included fitting multivariate logistic regression models adjusted for within-subject design, in combination with linear regression analysis and Chi-squared analyses where necessary. The analysis measured the likelihood of positive, negative or indecisive judgment, as well as the likelihood of domain-based justifications. Fixed effects were age, country, and the type of human rights violation. The findings showed that reasoning about human rights was predominantly within the moral domain, and that reasoning within specific contexts involved a different and more multifaceted process to reasoning in the abstract. Age-related differences were situation-specific, indicating that the development of moral reasoning can be impacted by one's experiences of the social environment. Country related differences in judgments and justification were due to different prioritization of concerns in different countries. The participants defined dignity mostly as a moral concept and were more likely to connect it to human rights when they reasoned within contexts rather than in the abstract. Judgments about restorative or retributive punishment were different and related to age, country and type of violation. These findings show how reasoning about rights, dignity and satisfaction of justice are impacted by age, culture and the type of rights violation.

Abstract: There are three mainstream theories which elucidate the relationship between Islamic doctrine and political actions that lead to terrorism acts of its believers: Firstly: they who believe that justification of violence and terror acts is inherent products of religious doctrine. Secondly: those who view that terrorism is profane matters, unrelated to religious doctrine whatsoever. Thirdly, opinion that state that terrorism is syncretism as well as interrelative modification between politics and religion. Although the three theories differ in concluding the role of religion in terrorism, they share some analytical approach, which put religion as doctrine and politics as political drive in every terrorism act. To measure the more dominant motive of the two can be done using two perspectives of phenomenology. First perspective views islamist movement as a form of anti modernism which emerges as a cure for western-type of modernization. The west is the enemy. Second perspective concludes that the movement is phenomenon of manifestation as well as response to post-modern development. Islamism emerges as something different, echoing cultural autonomy, alternative political entity as well as moral ideological critique of secularism brought by modernism. Key words: Islamism, terrorism, phenomenology ; Abstrak: Terdapat tiga pendapat mainstream yang memberikan ulasan teoritis mengenai antara doktrin Islam atau faktor politik, yang melatarbelakangi aksi-aksi terorisme dari kelompok berlatar belakang muslim: Pertama, mereka yang percaya bahwa pembenaran terhadap aksi-aksi kekerasan hingga terorisme adalah produk inheren dari doktrin keagamaan. Kedua, mereka yang memandang bahwa terorisme adalah perkara yang profan, sama sekali tak ada hubungannya dengan agama. Ketiga, pendapat yang menyebutkan bahwa terorisme adalah sinkretisme serta modifikasi interrelatif antara politik dan agama. Meski berbeda dalam menyimpulkan peran agama dalam terorisme, tiga teori mainstream di atas mempunyai keidentikkan dalam pendekatan analisis, yaitu; dimensi agama sebagai doktrin dan dimensi politis yang inheren menyertai setiap aksi tindakan terorisme. Menakar motif mana yang paling dominan dalam setiap aksi Islamisme dapat berangkat dari tinjauan fenomenologis. Terdapat dua perspektif umum yang dipakai oleh para pengamat dalam melakukan pendekatan studi terhadap fenomena gerakan Islamisme ini. Menurut perspektif pertama, gerakan Islamisme adalah sebuah bentuk anti-modernitas yang muncul sebagai respon antidote terhadap pembaharuan yang dihasilkan oleh Barat. Berdasarkan perspektif ini, Islamisme muncul dengan langsung menempatkan dirinya sebagai musuh dari Barat yang menjadi pionir dari modernisasi. Perspektif kedua menyimpulkan bahwa gerakan tersebut adalah fenomena manifestasi dan sekaligus juga respon terhadap perkembangan post-modernitas. Menurut perspektif ini, Islamisme muncul sebagai sesuatu yang menjadi pembeda, menyuarakan otonomi kultural, entitas politis alternatif serta kritik moralitas idologis terhadap sekularisme modernitas. Kata kunci: Islamisme, terorisme, fenomenologi.

The struggle against global terrorism is taking place, and it is between civilizations. It is a war against radical international terror, which is attempting to change the world order and is sowing fear among both citizens and governments. Huntington maintains that people can re-define their identity and consequently the boundaries and compositions of civilizations change. The phenomenon of the 'Islamic State' illustrates this. There is a cultural difference between civili¬zations that support Islamic terror, which tramples individual rights, and Western civilizations that are dedicated to pluralism and democracy. The Western world for already seven decades has been under attack by international terrorism, and the peak is the phenomenon of the 'Islamic State', which began in the Middle East and now is attacking Europe, and not just Europe. A dif¬ficult global war is being waged, and it is necessary to find an effective response to the threat. This response will include a multi-system strategy that addresses ideology, media, financing, and operational activity, including the handling of European residents who joined the ranks of the Islamic State and acquired operational experience, returned to Europe, and constitute an infrastructure of terrorism and terrorist attacks. The integration of forces and resources, significant operational activity, and legislative changes that curtail individual liberties, in cooperation with the moderate Muslim population, will enable the West and Europe to defeat the terrorist entities that trample in all ways the fundamental values of humanity and human life. ; Poniższy artykuł zasadza się na hipotezie, iż trzecia wojna światowa jest realną możliwością i prawdopodobnie będzie ona wojną pomiędzy cywilizacjami. Wojna ta, jest wojną z radykalnym międzynarodowym terroryzmem, którego celem jest zmiana porządku w świecie oraz zaszczepienie strachu w obywatelach i rządach państw. S. Huntington zakłada, iż ludzie są w stanie redefiniować swoją identyfikację kulturową, podobnie jak zasady oraz granice własnych cywilizacji. Fenomen tak zwanego Państwa Islamskiego jest szczególnym przykładem takiej zależności. Istnieje kulturowa różnica pomiędzy cywilizacjami wspierającymi islamski terroryzm (które odrzucają prawa jednostek) oraz cywilizacją Zachodu, które wyznają zasady pluralizmu i demokracji. Świat Zachodu od ponad siedmiu dekad jest nieustannie nękany przez międzynarodowy terroryzm, którego szczytem jest fenomen tak zwanego Państwa Islamskiego, które powstając na Bliskim Wschodzie zagraża Europie i nie tylko jej. Trudna światowa wojna, która nadchodzi musi być efektywną odpowiedzią na to zagrożenie. Odpowiedź ta wymaga multi-systemowej strategii, która uderza w ideologię, media, finansowanie, działalność operacyjną (włączając w to identyfikowanie obywateli europejskich, którzy dołączyli do ISIS i zdobyli doświadczenie bojowe i konstruują nowe siatki terrorystyczne na miejscu). Integracja sił i środków, aktywność operacyjna oraz zmiany prawne redukujące wolności osobiste we współpracy z umiarkowanymi muzułmanami, pomogą Zachodowi i Europie pokonać terroryzm, który zagraża fundamentalnym wartościom ludzkości i życia ludzkiego.

Based on a long-term ethnography in La Chaumière district, this thesis wants to analyse the mahoran migration and the identity construction processes in Reunion island. The mahoran migrants become a challenge for local policies, it poses a question a what place for the mahoran migrants in the reunion society. Starting from a daily observation, these analysis of a delimitated territory – La Chaumière – makes it possible to understand the methods of migration, the adaptation strategies and the emergence of new territorialities of this population who comes from Mayotte Island and Comorian Union to Reunion Island from a departemental point of view. Moreover, this choice to study a group within a territorial framework delimited in a city where local policy tends to develop cultural and religious diversity allows to evaluate the various methods of migratory construction projects and the establishment of these French families from Mayotte Island. Coming from the lastest French department, the majority of its population is Muslim, with some bantu tradition and has massively emigrated in Reunion island since the 2000's. These migration methods and these adaptation strategies are complex and challenge the cultural and cultual Reunion island cohabitation. A multiculturalism constantly questioned by the living place and unemployment problems, the increase of racist conflicts and speeches, and by the reflection of the reunion identity. ; Fondée sur une ethnographie de longue durée à La Chaumière, cette thèse souhaite prendre pour objet l'analyse de la migration mahoraise dans les processus de constructions identitaires propres à La Réunion. Les migrants mahorais deviennent alors un enjeu et un objet des politiques locales qui questionnent leur place au sein de la société réunionnaise. À partir d'une imprégnation quotidienne, l'analyse d'un territoire délimité – La Chaumière – permet de comprendre à l'échelle départementale les modalités de migration, les stratégies d'adaptation et l'émergence de nouvelles territorialités des populations en provenance de Mayotte et des Comores en contexte réunionnais. En effet, ce choix d'analyser un groupe dans un cadre territorial bien délimité dans une ville où la politique locale tend à la mise en valeur de sa diversité ethnico-religieuse, permet ainsi d'évaluer les différentes modalités de construction des projets migratoires et d'implantation de ces familles françaises originaires de Mayotte. Venue du dernier département français, la majorité de sa population est musulmane, dite de tradition bantoue, et émigre massivement vers La Réunion depuis les années 2000. Les modalités de migration et les stratégies d'adaptation sont complexes, et interpellent la cohabitation culturelle et cultuelle réunionnaise. Un multiculturalisme constamment réinterrogé par les différentes problématiques d'habitat et de chômage, l'augmentation des conflits et des discours racistes, et par les réflexions sur l'identité réunionnaise.

Blasphemy is since the beginning of its recorded history not only a religious but also a political concept. Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, the founding deaths of Socrates and Jesus Christ, both sentenced to death, the first for impiety, the second for blasphemy, but also the Torah, the Gospel and the Quran show that the prohibition of blasphemy has above all a political function, which is to eliminate whoever harms the community. With modernity, the invention of tolerance and the proclamation of freedom of expression as a fundamental right, blasphemy should have disappeared. Instead, it metamorphosed. From Salman Rushdie to Charlie Hebdo, it became a worldwide issue. In the Muslim world, its prohibition has become a fearsome tool of repression of religious minorities on a national level and of acceleration of a clash of civilizations on an international level. To face this challenge, Europe pretends to answer with freedom of expression, but the majority of European countries still forbid blasphemy, understood no more as an offense to God but an offense to the believers, which is the sign of a rogue secularization. This is especially true in France where the proliferation of laws limiting freedom of expression ended up in a re-introduction of the prohibition of blasphemy and more generally of crimes of opinion. ; Le blasphème est, depuis ses origines, un concept politique qui n'intéresse le religieux que marginalement. Jérusalem, Athènes, Rome, les morts fondatrices de Socrate et de Jésus-Christ, tous deux condamnés à la peine capitale, le premier pour impiété, le second pour blasphème, ainsi que la Torah, l'Évangile et le Coran témoignent que l'histoire de l'interdiction du blasphème est avant tout celle de sa fonction politique, qui est d'éliminer celui qui nuit à la communauté. Avec l'apparition de la modernité, l'invention de la tolérance et la proclamation de la liberté d'expression comme droit fondamental, le blasphème aurait dû disparaître. Il s'est en fait transformé. De Salman Rushdie à Charlie Hebdo, il est même devenu l'enjeu de crises planétaires répétées. Dans le monde musulman, son interdiction est aujourd'hui un outil redoutable de répression des minorités au niveau national et d'accélération de choc des civilisations au niveau international. À ce défi, l'Europe prétend répondre par la liberté d'expression, bien que la majorité des pays occidentaux continue à condamner le blasphème, compris non plus comme une offense à Dieu, mais aux croyants, signe d'une sécularisation dévoyée. C'est particulièrement le cas en France où la prolifération des lois venant limiter la liberté d'expression a fini par réinstaurer un délit de blasphème tout en multipliant les délits d'opinion.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego w krajach Europy należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego w ostatnich latach wybuchł kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej oraz w jaki sposób można go pokonać. Zdaniem autora, głównym powodem tego kryzysu jest bardzo instrumentalny stosunek dużej części obywateli tych państw do tej formy rządów. Darzą ją oni akceptacją i zaufaniem tylko do momentu, do którego zapewnia im dobrobyt i poczucie bezpieczeństwa, co obecnie – w ich przekonaniu – nie ma miejsca. Dlatego też, chcąc zmienić ten negatywny stan rzeczy, należy sprawić, by ponownie – w ramach demokracji liberalnej – ich potrzeby i aspiracje zaspokajane były na akceptowalnym przez nich poziomie. W tym celu konieczne jest spełnienie szeregu warunków, do których należy m.in.: przywrócenie zaufania obywateli do organów władzy oraz procedur wyborczych, podjęcie energicznych działań przeciwko rosnącym nierównościom społecznym, wzmożenie przez państwa działań na rzecz skutecznego zwalczania międzynarodowego terroryzmu – aczkolwiek z poszanowaniem liberalnych i demokratycznych wartości oraz wolności i praw człowieka – oraz rzeczywistej integracji przybyszy z innych kręgów cywilizacyjnych, przede wszystkim ze świata islamu. Jednocześnie politycy oraz przedstawiciele świata mediów powinni powrócić do dyskursu opartego na wartościach, na których zbudowane zostały ustroje państw europejskich należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego. ; This article is an attempt to answer the question, why there has been a recent crisis of trust to the liberal democracy in European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation and how it could be overcome. According to the opinion of the author, the main reason for that crisis is an instrumental approach of a large part of citizens of those countries towards this form of government. They accept and trust it only as long as it provides them with prosperity and a sense of security, which is currently – up to them – not working properly. That is why, in order to change that situation, fulfilling their needs and aspiration on acceptable level must be again possible within the framework of this form of government. In order to achieve this goal a number of conditions must be met, including, restoring trust of citizens in the government and faith in the electoral process, taking vigorous actions to counteract rising social inequalities, increasing measures to successfully combat and suppress international terrorism by various countries – although with respect to liberal and democratic values as well as human rights and freedoms – and a real integration of immigrants from other civilisation circles, first of all, Muslims. At the same time, politicians and the media are supposed to return to the discourse based on the values upon which political systems of European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation were founded.

At a time when various forces threaten the continued life of democracy, Ibn Khaldun's writings on education offer renewed importance to building longer lasting political regimes. In this paper, I argue that Ibn Khaldun views education as a crucial element for prolonging the polity and postponing the inevitable fall of dynasties. In the first part of the paper, I open with a discussion that situates his views within three broad debates in the literature: the first on Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddima's normative or descriptive nature; the second on its pessimistic or optimistic vision of human history; and the third on the role of statecraft. The second part of the paper identifies education as a crucial element for realizing the state's ultimate objective: securing the context necessary for achieving human perfection. It also shows how scientific instruction strengthens the political well-being of the state by educating future leaders as well as perfecting the intellectual and moral character of the polity. I conclude with a discussion of the ideal instructor and Ibn Khaldun's proposed teaching pedagogy. My paper has the potential to bring together Islamic and Western political thought and expands the political options available to Muslims within their own intellectual tradition. Ultimately, I contribute to the de-parochialization of western-dominated political theory by seriously contextualizing Ibn Khaldun within the Islamic tradition. ; Demokrasilerin farklı amiller tarafından tehdit altına alınmış olduğu günümüzde, İbn Haldun'un eğitim hakkındaki görüşleri uzun dönemler boyunca sağlam kalacak siyasi nizamları tesis etmenin önemine dair mühim unsurları içermektedir. Bu makalede, İbn Haldun'un eğitimi devletlerin ömrünü uzatan ve hanedanların önlenemez çöküşünü erteleyen başlıca amillerden biri olarak gördüğünü savunmaktayız. Makalenin ilk bölümünde İbn Haldun'un görüşlerini literatürdeki üç hakim tartışmaya nispetle konumlandırıyoruz. Bu tartışmaların ilki, Mukaddime'nin normatif mi yoksa deskriptif (betimleyici) mi olduğu; ikincisi, eserdeki beşeriyet tarihinin seyrine dair tutumun iyimser mi yoksa kötümser mi olduğu; üçüncüsü ise müellife göre siyasetin rolünün ne olduğu soruları etrafında dönmektedir. Makalenin ikinci bölümünde, müellifin, eğitimi devletin en âlî maksadı olan içtimâ-i beşeriyyeyi kemale erdirmesi için gerekli olan ortamı sağlamaya giden en hayati yollardan birisi olarak kabul ettiğini tespit ediyoruz. Bu bölümde ayrıca, ilmi eğitimin devletin hayatiyetini hem devletin müstakbel idarecilerini yetiştirerek hem de devletin fikri ve ahlaki havasına kemal kuşandırarak nasıl desteklediğini izah ediyoruz. Makalemizin sonuç bölümünde ise İbn Haldun'un teklif ettiği eğitim pedagojisi ve ideal eğitmen modelini değerlendiriyoruz. Makalemizde İslam ve Batı siyaset düşüncesini cem ederek Müslümanlara kendi fikri geleneklerinde ne gibi siyasi teklifler bulunduğunu göstermeyi hedeflemekteyiz. En nihayetinde, İbn Haldun'un fikriyatını ait olduğu İslami gelenek içerisinde anlamlandırmaya çalışarak Batı-merkezci siyaset teorisi alanının ufkunun genişlemesine katkı sunmayı ümit ediyoruz.

The political context in which the Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna came to be was defined by two political moments – an expressed desire of the Serbian people to join Great Serbia on the one hand and the Muslim (Bosnian) attempt to create a concept of a unified BiH where an ethnic-territorial Bosnian majority would be present on the other. In such circumstances, the official policy of the Republic of Croatia, especially the one by the first president dr. Franjo Tuđman, was unfoundedly prescribed by the Great Serbia policy and Bosnian fundamentalism with a basic thesis that he, along with Milošević, "divided" Bosnia and Herzegovina on meetings in Karađorđevo and Tikveš. However, that thesis is rebuttable on two bases. Firstly, the carriers for the idea of Great Serbia with Milošević were "armed to the neck" by the military arsenal of the JNA. Secondly, the democratic rule in Croatia with Tuđman at its forefront was very poorly armed, forced to buy very expensive weaponry on the "black market": According to this, Milošević needed no military-political agreement on BiH. At that time, the fall of Vukovar and the occupation of one third of the national territory of Croatia point to the fact that there is no basis for the thesis on the "division" of BiH between Tuđman and Milošević. ; Politički kontekst u kojem je nastala Hrvatska zajednica Herceg-Bosna bio je definiran dvama političkim momentima, izrazitom željom srpskog pučanstva da se priključi Velikoj Srbiji, a na drugoj strani muslimanskim (bošnjačkim) nastojanjem stvaranja koncepta unitarne BiH, gdje bi bila prisutna etničko-teritorijalna bošnjačka majorizacija. U takvim okolnostima oficijelna politika Republike Hrvatske, naročito njezinog prvog predsjednika dr. Franje Tuđmana bila je neosnovano proskribirana od strane velikosrpske politike i bošnjačkog fundamentalizma s osnovnom tezom da je on s Miloševićem na sastancima u Karađorđevu i Tikvešu "dijelio" Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Međutim, ta teza je oborivog karaktera po dvije osnove, prvo, nositelji velikosrpske ideje s Miloševićem bili su "do zuba" naoružani vojnim arsenalom JNA, a na drugoj strani demokratska hrvatska vlast s Tuđmanom na čelu bila je vrlo slabo naoružana, prisiljena kupovati vrlo skupo oružje na "crnom tržištu". Prema tome, Miloševiću nije trebao nikakav vojno-politički dogovor oko zauzimanja BiH. U to vrijeme pad Vukovara i okupacija jedne trećine hrvatskog državnog teritorija nedvojbeno ukazuju da nema nikakve utemeljenosti tezi o međusobnoj "podjeli" BiH između Tuđmana i Miloševića. Glede boljeg poimanja ustavnopravnih aspekata Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosna, odnosno njezinog nastanka, egzistiranja i prestanka postojanja u ovome radu bit će prikazana pravna analiza i prikaz sadržaja knjige ustavnog sudca dr. sc. Mate Arlovića Hrvatska zajednica Herceg-Bosna i (pre)ustroj Bosne i Hercegovine.

This thesis examines the public diplomacy activities of the United States, mainly by focusing on the period after the September 11 attacks. The US, known as the inventor and best implementer of public diplomacy wanted to activate its soft power besides its hard power as an important component of its national power, for its war on terror strategy. Along with its strategy of fighting against terrorism, the US tried to restructure and institutionalize its public diplomacy activities which it had stopped at the end of the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union with the belief that there was no more need for it. The research question of the thesis, therefore, is whether the US has been successful in the policies conducted with the aim of increasing its soft power, summarily winning hearts and minds, as the main part of its public diplomacy alongside with its military power that is also utilized within the scope of the US' war on terror strategy. In this context, the public diplomacy policies implemented by different American Presidents since September 11, 2001 are examined. As a result of the study, it has been found out that despite short-lived successes during some Administrations, the public diplomacy strategies carried out by the US to improve its image failed in general, mainly because of two reasons; disregard for the different characteristics of the nations it addressed and failure to comprehend the sources of negativity especially in the heavily Muslim populated countries. ; Bu tez çalışması Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerini başlıca 11 Eylül 2001 terör saldırıları sonrasındaki döneme odaklanarak incelemektedir. Kamu diplomasisini ilk oluşturan ve en iyi uygulayan devlet olarak ABD, terörle mücadele stratejisinde de, askeri gücünün yanı sıra, ulusal gücünün en önemli unsurlardan birisi olarak gördüğü, yumuşak gücünü de devreye sokmak istemiştir. ABD, bu çerçevede Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasını takiben Soğuk Savaşın sona ermesi ile artık ihtiyaç duymayacağını düşündüğü kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerini bu kez terörle mücadele konusunda yeniden tasarlamaya ve kurumsallaştırmaya çalışmıştır. Bu tezde incelenen araştırma sorusu, ABD'nin terörle mücadele strateji çerçevesinde kullanmakta olduğu askeri gücünün yanı sıra, kamu diplomasisinin ana unsurunu oluşturan kalpleri ve zihinleri kazanmak olarak özetlenebilecek yumuşak gücünü arttırmak amacıyla yürüttüğü politikaların başarılı olup olmadığıdır. Bu çerçevede, 11 Eylül 2001 tarihinden bu yana farklı Amerikan Başkanları döneminde yürütülen kamu diplomasisi politikaları incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın sonucunda ise, farklı yönetimler sırasında olumlu adımlar atılmakla birlikte, özellikle nüfusunun çoğunluğu Müslüman olan ülkelerde olumsuz düşüncelerin kaynağını ve hitap ettiği halkların özelliklerini göz ardı ettiği için ABD'nin imajını geliştirmek konusunda uyguladığı kamu diplomasisi stratejilerinin başarısız olduğu görülmektedir.

This article elaborate the historical root of tafsir maqasidi through these steps:1) describing the four periods of the history of tafsir; 2) deducing points, from each period, which could provide an idea on the history of tafsir maqashidi, either theoretically or practically; 3) and providing examples of tafsir maqashidi. This article is done by documentation, by searching, reading, and reviewing qualitative data to be collected and analyzed by deductive method. The results of the article show: 1) historical roots of tafsir maqa>s{idi> have an intertwined with the history of tafsir in general, namely: marḥalat al-ta'sīs, marḥalat al-ta'ṣīl, marḥalat al-tafrī', and marḥalat al-tajdi>d. 2) among the points that can be explained related to the historical roots of tafsir maqas{idi> that is: a) in the ta'sīs period, there embryo maqāṣid al-shari>'ah. For example, there is a triple divorce in one majlis which is punishable by a single divorce at the time of the Prophet, during the time of Umar ra. punishable by three divorces, with consideration of 'urf, for the benefit; b) in the tafrī' period, born three maqāṣid al-shari>'ah theories. first, al-Tūfī argues that the Shari'ah is none other than mas}lah}ah itself, so if nas} is contrary to mas}lah}ah then take precedence of mas}lah}ah ('alā sabīl al-takhṣīṣ); secondly, al-Gazalī states that "mas}lah}ah" is nothing but the Shari'a itself, so the theory of mas}lah}ah is taken inductively from nas {{; Third, al-Shāṭibī argues that mas}lah}ah and shari'a are one unity, so if nas} that opposed to mas}lah}ah is qot}'i> al-dalālah, then nas {is precedence, and if nas} that opposed to mas}lah}ah is dhanni> al-dalālah, then mas}lah}ah is precedence; c) in the tajdi>d period, classical maqāṣid concepts that are protection and preservation, altered by some contemporary Muslims such as Jasser Auda into a new concept of development and rights. The idea of contemporaryization of this terminology was then rejected by many fuqaha. 3) an example of the application of tafsir maqāṣidi> is the interpretation of the Qur'an surah al-Nu>r verse 2 in the context of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. In this case there is a ta'āruḍ between nas which enjoins the caning and "mas}lah}ah". The application of the Islamic Criminal law in Indonesia to date has not received sufficient political support, so it will lead to greater mafsadah. Therefore, mas}lah}ah takes precedence and is made as takhṣīṣ above nas}.

Url: http://sutad.selcuk.edu.tr/sutad/article/view/1164 ; Established on three different continents, the Ottoman Empire demonstrated unquestioned political success and constituted the representation of orientalism for the West. Both her geographical position and her cultural identity as an Eastern and a Muslim provided the structure to approach the Ottoman Empire representing the Eastern identity as constructed by the West. Hence, a stereotypical representation of Turks created in order to satisfy the oriental approach of the West. This perspective can be observed in British sources as well. Beyond her exotic qualities for the West, the rival position of the Ottoman Empire against the British Empire provoked further interest in British names. As is common in oriental texts, British sources also reshaped the Turkish identity unconsciously to fit the text's stereotypical perspective. In addition to the fixed image of Turks and the Ottoman Empire that is depicted underlining Westernized qualities, British written sources do not hesitate to reinterpret the constructed image of Turks as a medium for their own ideologies. In this regard, tracing the British sources and their representation establishes a problematic depiction of the Ottoman Empire and the Turks that is dominated by Western ideology. Moreover, it can be further argued that the literary works also both fed upon and contributed to the stereotypical depiction of Turks as an exotic eastern. Travel writing of the time also maintained the perception of Turkish identity representing the constructed understanding of the West regarding the East. Consequently, this study aims at tracing the stereotypical image of Turks as depicted in British sources especially with emphasis of sources dating to the 19th century as the highlight of Orientalism in British Empire. Hence, the misinterpretation of the Ottoman Empire and Turks will be laid out in a chronological order underlining their common perspective. ; Üç kıtaya yayılmış olan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu güçlü bir politik başarıyı ve de Batının gözünde şarkiyatçılığın örneklendirilmesini temsil eder. Hem coğrafi konumu hem de Müslüman ve de Doğulu olan kültürel kimliği Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun Batı tarafından algılandığı şekli ile doğu kimliğinin göstergesi olarak algılanmasına neden olmuştur. Bu anlayış İngiliz kaynaklarında da gözlemlenebilmektedir. Yansıttığı egzotik durumun yanı sıra Britanya İmparatorluğu'na rakip pozisyonu da Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'na olan ilgiyi İngilizler arasında arttırmıştır. Böylelikle Batının şarkiyatçı yaklaşımını tatmin etmek üzere klişe bir Türk imajı yaratılmıştır. Buna ilaveten edebi eserler de bu klişe Türk imajından hem beslenmişler hem de bu imajın sağlamlaştırılmasına katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Zamanının gezi yazıları da yaratılan klişe Türk imajının korunmasını desteklemişlerdir. Sonuç olarak bu çalışma şarkiyatçı bakış açısının hat safhada olduğu 19. Yüzyıla odaklanarak klişe Türk imajının İngiliz kaynaklarında nasıl betimlendiğinin izini sürmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bununla birlikte kronolojik bir sırayla verilecek olan eserler Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun ve de Türklerin nasıl ortak bir bakış açısından gerçeklikten farklı olan yorumlandığını ortaya koyacaktır.

bstract:.Mosque is a house of worship of Muslims and is a work of art and culture of architecture. The development of Islam is in line with the development of architecture, namely Mosque Architecture. As we often see today, the mosque is identical to the dome on its roof. In its use, the dome of the mosque is used as a structure and construction but some are only used as aesthetic ornaments. With the many uses of the dome on the building of the mosque, making some people think the dome that is used as a hallmark of this mosque is the ornament of the Islamic Architects. If noticed, the ancient mosque on the island of Java at first has no dome. Characteristic of the ancient mosque in Java, among others, the roof is in the form of overlapping two to five levels upwards. While the mosque building that we often encounter today is a mosque that has a dome roof. We need to learn more about the development of this mosque architecture in the context of roof overlap and domes. So we need to know whether the meaning of the dome applied to the mosque in Java. This study reveals that, the meaning of the dome evolved according to the needs of the mosque itself, such as political symbols, gratitude, and media of da'wah. Keyword: mosque, dome, meaning Abstrak: Masjid adalah rumah ibadah umat Islam dan merupakan suatu karya seni dan budaya dalam bidang arsitektur. Perkembangan Agama Islam sejalan dengan perkembangan arsitekturnya, yakni Arsitektur Masjid. Seperti yang sering kita lihat sekarang, Masjid sangat identik dengan kubah di bagian atapnya. Dalam penggunaannya, kubah masjid ada yang digunakan sebagai struktur dan konstruksi namun ada pula yang hanya digunakan sebagai ornamen estetika. Dengan banyaknya penggunaan kubah pada bangunan masjid, menjadikan sebagian orang beranggapan kubah yang dijadikan ciri khas masjid ini adalah ornamen dari Arsitekur Islam. Jika diperhatikan, masjid kuno di pulau Jawa pada awalnya tidak ada yang memiliki kubah. Ciri khas masjid kuno di Jawa antara lain atapnya yang berbentuk tumpang bersusun dua hingga lima tingkat keatas semakin mengecil. Sedangkan bangunan masjid yang sering kita temui saat ini adalah masjid yang memiliki atap kubah. Perkembangan arsitektur masjid ini dalam konteks atap tumpang dan kubah, perlu kita pelajari lebih lanjut. Sehingga perlu kita ketahui apakah makna kubah yang diterapkan pada masjid di Jawa. Penelitian ini mengungkap bahwa, pemaknaan kubah berkembang sesuai kebutuhan yang di capai masjid itu sendiri, seperti simbol politik, rasa syukur,dan media dakwah. Kata kunci: masjid, atap kubah, makna