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Shi'r al-'ammiyya is a poetry movement whose emergence in Egypt in the early 1950s coincided with the heyday of Nasser's revolution, when the Palestine question was a national concern. With numerous practitioners today, the movement has yielded a large corpus of colloquial poetry that has become a significant part of Egypt's cultural landscape.This article presents a historical survey of shi'r al-'ammiyya's best known poets—Fu'ad Haddad, Salah Jahin, and 'Abd al-Rahman al-Abnudi—and their poems on Palestine. Among the essay's aims is to dispel the common misconception that the use of colloquial Egyptian ('ammiyya) denotes parochial rather than pan-Arab concerns, with the standard (fusha) Arabic seen as a signifier of pan-Arab identity.

This article reexamines the economic and strategic aspects of Soviet-Egyptian relations in the mid-1960s based on recently declassified documents from Russian archives and recently published memoirs in Arabic. The article explores the tensions that developed between the Soviet Union and Egypt as the Soviet government exploited Egypt's economic difficulties to press for basing rights that would help to offset the U.S. Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean. In addition to offering a corrective to scholarly understanding of the Soviet- Egyptian relationship at this time, the article provides a fascinating glimpse into the mechanics of Soviet foreign economic policy and carries revisionist implications for students of the origins of the Six-Day Mideast War. Adapted from the source document.

This study examined the degree to which visitors to Al-Jazeera's English-language website support broadcasters presenting graphic and war-related imagery in comparison to users of Al-Jazeera's Arabic-language website. The authors found that users of the Al-Jazeera English-language website overwhelmingly supported the network's decision to run graphic images and claimed the network contained valuable information missing from Western competitors, such as CNN, and national Arab media. Those who relied on the English-language website and who were strong supporters of press freedom were more likely to support Al-Jazeera's decision to run graphic images, but these correlations disappeared after controlling for demographic variables.

The Arab Human Development Report 2005: Towards the Rise of Women in the Arab World (AHDR 2005), published in Arabic with English and French translations, was launched at the end of 2006. With a title carefully crafted to avoid Western development buzzwords like "empowerment" and to signal the inclusion of all women living in the region, it is the third in a series of detailed studies meant to unpack the themes of the original overview report that garnered both acclaim and criticism when it was published in 2002. The other two topical reports examine what were billed as "deficits" in knowledge and in freedom. This one tackles what the original report framed as the third major obstacle to the flourishing of the Arab world: the deficit in gender equality.

In 1793 the Maltese Abate Giuseppe Vella published the Libro del Consiglio di Egitto containing several Arabic and Norman documents which seemed to confirm the absolute power of medieval rulers over the rights and prerogatives of the nobility. It became an important matter in the efforts of Francesco Maria Venanzio d'Aquino, principe di Caramanico, the viceroy of Sicily, and his lawyers and civil servants to justify and legitimatize the pruning of the rights and power of the mighty Sicilian barons. In a spectacular trial, most of Vella's works were revealed as forgeries. This paper tries to trace the motives behind this forgery and shows how the abate was most likely inspired by similar frauds in Andalucia. ; peer-reviewed

International audience ; The InFile project (INformation, FILtering, Evaluation) is a cross-language adaptive filtering evaluation campaign, sponsored by the French National Research Agency. The campaign is organized by the CEA LIST, ELDA and the University of Lille3-GERiiCO. It has an international scope as it is a pilot track of the CLEF 2008 campaigns. The corpus is built from a collection of about 1,4 millions newswires (10 GB) in three languages, Arabic, English and French provided by Agence France Press (AFP) and selected from a 3 years period. The profiles corpus is made of 50 profiles from which 30 concern general news and events (national and international affairs, politics, sports.) and 20 concern scientific and technical subjects

International audience ; The InFile project (INformation, FILtering, Evaluation) is a cross-language adaptive filtering evaluation campaign, sponsored by the French National Research Agency. The campaign is organized by the CEA LIST, ELDA and the University of Lille3-GERiiCO. It has an international scope as it is a pilot track of the CLEF 2008 campaigns. The corpus is built from a collection of about 1,4 millions newswires (10 GB) in three languages, Arabic, English and French provided by Agence France Press (AFP) and selected from a 3 years period. The profiles corpus is made of 50 profiles from which 30 concern general news and events (national and international affairs, politics, sports.) and 20 concern scientific and technical subjects

Drawing on documents and memoirs in Russian and Arabic, this article tells the unknown story of Soviet-Egyptian cooperation in the early phases of the Yemeni Civil War, a war that broke out while much of the world's attention was focused on the Cuban missile crisis and the war between India and Pakistan. Egypt's fateful decision to intervene in the conflict was dependent on substantial Soviet backing, which strengthened the relationship between the USSR and Gamal Abdel Nasser's government in Egypt. In response to a plea from Nasser, Nikita Khrushchev authorized the military transport branch of the Soviet Air Force to embark on a clandestine airlift operation ferrying Egyptian troops into Yemen to shore up the new government there. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; The InFile project (INformation, FILtering, Evaluation) is a cross-language adaptive filtering evaluation campaign, sponsored by the French National Research Agency. The campaign is organized by the CEA LIST, ELDA and the University of Lille3-GERiiCO. It has an international scope as it is a pilot track of the CLEF 2008 campaigns. The corpus is built from a collection of about 1,4 millions newswires (10 GB) in three languages, Arabic, English and French provided by Agence France Press (AFP) and selected from a 3 years period. The profiles corpus is made of 50 profiles from which 30 concern general news and events (national and international affairs, politics, sports.) and 20 concern scientific and technical subjects

This article explores the contrasting visions of world geography prevailing around the Bay of Bengal in the 17th century, namely in Aceh and Arakan. After a preliminary study of the geographical horizons of Bengali and Malay literature, the authors proceed to an analysis and comparison of the world descriptions of the religious scholar Nur al-Din al-Rānīrī and of the Bengali poet Ālāol, having worked respectively in Aceh and Mrauk-U. This inquiry into the perceptions of the world is conceived as a first step toward a deeper understanding of the attitudes towards regional cultures in the 17th century, at a time when cosmopolitan languages such as Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian gave way to regional languages, such as Bengali and Malay.

Few modern crises draw as much attention, create such intense confusion, and fuel so many myths as does the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Permeating all these dimensions, however, is the fundamental struggle between two peoples, two distinct histories, and two colliding identities. It is this confrontation between identities that a small village in Israel has set out to address. Neve Shalom/Wahat al‐Salam, which means "Oasis of Peace" in Hebrew and Arabic, respectively, is located on a barren hilltop between Israel proper and the West Bank, almost equidistant from Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Its sole purpose for existence is to disprove the persistent modern myth that Arabs and Jews cannot live together in harmony.

The publication in a Danish newspaper of twelve caricatures depicting prophet Mohammed e.g. as a sexist bomber caused shock waves in the Islamic world in January. Muslims criticized the demeaning portrayal of their prophet by demonstrating - sometimes violently - & boycotting Danish products. Whereas the German media mostly focused on the reactions in the Arabic countries, Iran, Afghanistan, & Pakistan, the author of this article explores the reactions in Indonesia & Malaysia. The author believes that these two countries' reactions to the cartoon conflict indicate the level of their democratic development. The author describes: 1) the ban on images in Islam; 2) the violent riots of Indonesia; 3) the discussion of press freedom in Malaysia, & 4) in conclusion compares the reactions in the two countries. References. A. Kallionen

AbstractEthnic Arab communities in medieval India originate mainly from the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf. Among these Arabs, the ones that gained widespread fame within India and abroad were the Sayyids of Hadhramaut, descendants of Prophet Muhammad, through his daughter Fatima. Many of these Hadhrami Sayyids achieved rapid upward social mobility in India through their ascribed status as the Prophet's descendants, as exemplars of good Muslims, and as preachers and teachers of Islam in a non-Muslim environment. However, migration to India at the dawn of the modern era heralded changes in their traditional status and occupation. The sources of this article are primary works in Arabic, Persian and, Urdu, supplemented with interviews and field observations.

Die Autoren untersuchen die Beziehungen zwischen der Berber-Bevölkerung im Mittleren Atlasgebirge in Marokko und der neu hinzugezogenen arabischen Bevölkerung in vier historischen Perioden: (1) im Sultanat, (2) im französischen Protektorat, (3) von der Unabhängigkeit 1956 bis 1970, (4) von 1970 bis 2001. Die Zeit seit der Unabhängigkeit steht im Mittelpunkt des Interesses. Wie die Autoren darlegen, sind die schlechten Beziehungen zwischen Berbern und Arabern, die in zahlreichen Feindbildern zum Ausdruck kommen, weniger auf ethnische Unterschiede als auf den Mangel an wirtschaftlichen und politischen Veränderungen in der Region zurückzuführen. (DÜI-Mjr)