The aim of this article is to investigate the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the appropriation of materials and energy in XUAR (PRC). To do this, I propose a critical contrastive analysis of official historiographical narratives: narratives about the official inclusion of the conquered territory of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang (XUAR-PRC) at the borders of the Qing Empire in the 18th century; the Final Communiqué of the Bandung Conference; the modernizing speeches imposed by the PRC on the territory of XUAR through the developmental narratives that accompany the BRI.The autochthonous socio-environmental systems have been subjected, since the inclusion of the territory into the Chinese borders, to mechanisms of colonialism implemented by external agents. This process has given rise to an interethnic conflict and a process of gentrification of the territories resulting from an extractivist and capitalist model of natural resource management (agriculture, gas, oil). The BRI, based on the development of transport and logistics infrastructures, reflects a strategy that aims to promote PRC's role in global relations: it enhances international investment flows and commercial outlets for Chinese products, through land and sea routes, trying to reestablish the ancient Silk Roads, and promotes the creation of new roads, in order to connect a wider number of territories and countries —around sixty—.In turn, this research aims to reveal the impact of the imposition of the PRC neo-colonialist economic and extractive model, as well as the future consequences, on indigenous populations and management models. In terms of methodology this requires reconstructing the poverty narrative of Uyghur peoples, including accounts of their exclusion, ejection from the original areas, and a special emphasis on autochthonous outlook on their environment and how Modernity invades their natural and human space.Local and regional sociopolitical tensions have, in the final third of the twentieth century, forced or encouraged Uyghur emigration from XUAR and from the PRC, leading to the creation of distant exile communities. Through the inclusion of Uyghur studies (Jacobs, 2016; Leibold, 2007; Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Thum, 2012, among others), in a wider panorama of decolonial studies (Escobar, 2016; Restrepo, 2016; Santos y Meneses, 2014, Ortega Santos y Olivieri, 2020, etc.), academia still faces the need to continue researching the socio-environmental impact of the modernization policies imposed by the PRC and its impact on the forms of autochthonous management of human and natural resources of the territory of XUAR. This, under Chinese domination in its different historical stages, has become a scenario of socio-environmental conflicts: economic, political and identity consequences return the image of a colonized territory (Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Olivieri, 2020; Roberts, 2020), subjected to continuous extraction and repression processes by the central government. This institutional constraint, in recent years, has been legitimized by the PRC central state within the international community by accusing Uyghurs —culturally Muslims by majority— of terrorism, and thus including the whole oppression policies in the global scenario of GWOT (Roberts, 2020). This strategy hides the extractive-colonial interests that China has on the indigenous land of Uyghurs and other turkic peoples —such as Kazakhs, which represent more than a million people living in the territory—.Post-coloniality and national independence in a global scenario have presented the overwhelming need to rethink Asia in all its political and cultural complexity, and to launch projects —such as the one proposed at the Bandung Conference (1955), in which China played a leading role— that promote a supra-national unity respectful of plurality (Peña, 1956; Yoon, 2018); however, it seems now necessary to analyze how Bandung narratives coexist with those of a sinocentric megaproject (Pérez, 2014), with modernizing and developmental neo-colonial purposes (Islam, 2019). The BRI proposes reestablishing connections between Europe, Asia and Africa —that is, reviving old geoschemes (Millward, 2018) from a neo-colonial perspective (Clarke, 2017). Those links allegedly propose an economic supra-national development plan on an intercontinental scale, with the aim of modelling a scenario of revived cultural and human contacts, as well as commercial exchanges—. Nevertheless, the PRC's BRI underlies the imposition of its economic and cultural model and the application of measures of natural resources extraction on the affected regions. The current conflict in XUAR may be seen as socio-environmental for: 1. The economic divide between Han/Uyghur-North/south in the region, is also a divide between agrarian and commercial-urban economies; 2. The PRC development strategy is focused on urbanization, but within XUAR, the Uyghur south has been largely left out of urban-based development, or controlled by the predominantly Han organization of the Bingtuan (Production Construction Corps) which is now developing colonies in southern XUAR that largely excluded local Uyghurs from the benefits of housing and commercial opportunity; 3. XUAR has a systemic water deficit, and dire prospects within decades as climate change melts the glaciers on whose melt water the region currently relies.Since the annexation of the territory of XUAR, the Government has been launching policies aimed at developing a greater control and power over the Uyghur historical region which represents a fundamental enclave both for natural resources extraction and for geopolitical strategies of Chinese politics and trade. The conquest and the subsequent mechanisms of coloniality have imposed in XUAR changes in the modes of management and those related to the natural environment, turning "particular ecosystems" into "modern forms of nature" (Escobar, 2016). Throughout this research, the term "coloniality" will be understood as a process that has certainly transformed the forms of domination deployed by Modernity, but not the structure of the center-periphery relations worldwide. In this particular case study, we are confronted with a scenario where decolonization has not happened; in fact, it is still denied, by the government itself, that there has been a colonization per se. Therefore, coloniality here is built from the creation of denialist and inclusionist discourses, which nullify the possibility of the subjects' —in broad terms: the land of XUAR and those who inhabit it— very existence. Since then, the ways of life of the subaltern groups, in all aspects, are subject to the Modern/Colonial model, it is necessary to re-dignify the community attempts of survival and resistance, as ones of subjects oppressed by the mechanisms of capitalist modernity.Through this article I aim to reveal the Uyghurs perspective on how the official narratives about "development" and "modernity" proclaimed by the BRI, besides the monetary growth, hide colonial and oppressive control politics, and whose consequences are exclusion, repression, and even elimination of autochthonous identities in order to impose control over their territories and resources. So, jointly with a deep bibliographical and theoretical reflection, the very voices of exiled Uyghurs are here anonymously presented, based on Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR). ; El objetivo de este trabajo es el de investigar el impacto de la Iniciativa Belt and Road (BRI) en la apropiación de materiales y energía en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang (XUAR) de la República Popular de China (RPCh). Para ello, propongo un análisis contrastivo crítico de las narrativas historiográficas oficiales: narrativas sobre la inclusión oficial del territorio conquistado de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang en las fronteras del Imperio Qing en el siglo XVIII; el Comunicado Final de la Conferencia de Bandung; los discursos modernizadores impuestos por la República Popular de China en el territorio de XUAR a través de las narrativas desarrollistas que acompañan la BRI. Los sistemas socioambientales autóctonos han sido sometidos, desde la inclusión del territorio en las fronteras chinas, a mecanismos de colonialismo implementados por agentes externos. Este proceso ha dado lugar a un conflicto interétnico y a un proceso de gentrificación de los territorios resultante de un modelo extractivista y capitalista de gestión de los recursos naturales (agricultura, gas, petróleo). La BRI, basada en el desarrollo de las infraestructuras de transporte y logísticas, refleja una estrategia que tiene como objetivo promover el papel de la República Popular de China en las relaciones globales: potencia los flujos de inversión internacional y las salidas comerciales para los productos chinos, a través de rutas terrestres y marítimas, tratando de restablecer las antiguas Rutas de la Seda, y promueve la creación de nuevas carreteras, con el fin de conectar un mayor número de territorios y países —alrededor de sesenta—. En cambio, esta investigación tiene como propósito el de revelar el impacto de la imposición del modelo económico y extractivo neocolonialista de la RPCh, así como sus consecuencias futuras sobre las poblaciones indígenas y los modelos autóctonos de gestión. En términos de metodología, esto requiere reconstruir las narrativas de pobreza del pueblo uigur, incluyendo relatos de su exclusión, expulsión de sus tierras originarias proponiendo un especial énfasis en la mirada autóctona sobre su entorno y cómo la Modernidad invade su espacio natural y humano.
The enthusiasm in the Tahfidz House (TH) education program especially for children shows an increasing trend in Padang, a modeling city in developing Islāmic character for children. The purpose of this study was to investigate the Tahfidz House program trends development in early childhood in Padang. This study uses qualitative methods with data collection tools, namely inter- views, direct observation, and document analysis. The results showed that: First, the Tahfidz House program attracted public interest because it offered dimensions of character formation such as in- creasing Intelligence Quotient, Emotional Quotient, and Spiritual Quotient. Second, there is a theo- logical reason in the landscape of local people to think that the Qur'an offers a blessing concept in our lives. Third, Tahfidz House existences as non-formal education has two dominant affiliations, namely pure education and based on market interests or capitalization. Keywords: Early Childhood Education, Tahfidz House Program, Market Interest Reference Abdullah, N. M. S. A. N., Sabbri, F. S. M., Athirah, R., & Isa, M. (2019). Challenges and Difficulties in Memorizing the Qurʾan in the Tahfiz Classes Among Secondary Learners. Al Burhan- Journal of Qurʾān and Sunnah Studies Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences, 3(2), 1–14. Afriami, Z., & Rahmah, E. (2017). Pembuatan Direktori Rumah Tahfidz Quran se Kota Padang. Jurnal Ilmu Informasi Perpustakaan Dan Kearsipan, 6(September), 86–94. Ahmadi. (2018). Pembentukan Karakter Anak Dengan Pendekatan Berbasis Pendidikan Al- Qur ' an. ALFIKR:Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, 4(1), 23–31. Akbar, Ali & Islmail, H. (2016). Metode Tahfidz Al-Qur"An di Pondok Pesantren Kabupaten Kampar. Jurnal Ushuluddin, 24(1), 91–102. Al-fadhil, M. (2016). Mazhab Pendidikan Kritis; Proses Humanisasi Pendidikan. MUDARRISUNA (Media Kajian Pendidikan Agama Islam), 6(1), 33–52. Ali, Z. Z. (2017). Pemikiran Hegemoni Antonio Gramsci (1891-1973) di ITALIA. YAQZHAN, 3(2), 63–81. Ambo, N. F., & Mokhsein, S. E. (2019). Trend and Issue in Learning Strategy of Tahfiz Model Ulul Albab (TMUA). International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 9(7), 1418–1426. https://doi.org/10.6007/ijarbss/v9-i7/6789Anwar, K., & Hafiyana, M. (2018). Implementasi metode ODOA (one day one ayat) dalam meningkatkan kemampuan menghafal al-qur"an. JPII, 2, 181–198. Arief, A. (2014). Pengembangan pendidikan budaya dan karakter bangsa dalam upaya menghadapi tantangan global. TARBIYA: Journal of Education in Muslim Society, 1(2), 215-226. Azra, A. (2017). Surau; Pendidikan Islam Tradisional Dalam Transisi dan Modernisasi. Jakarta: Prenada Media. Baihaki, E. S. (2017). Penerjemahan Al-Qur'an: Proses Penerjemahan al-Qur'an di Indonesia. Jurnal Ushuluddin, 25(1), 44–55. Bashori. (2017). Modernisasi Lembaga Pendidikan Pesantren Perspektif Azyumardi Azra. Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, 11(2), 269–296. Basyit, A. (2019). Pengembangan Manajemen Rumah Tahfidz Al-Qur'an di Indonesia. Tadarus Tarbawy, Vol. 1(2), 163–180. Battersby, Paul, & Siracusa, J. M. . (2009). Globalization and Human Security. United States of America: Royman and Little Field Publisher. Ebrahimi, E. (2011). Spiritual Health and psychosis in the light of Quran. Arak Medical University Journal (AMUJ), 13(5), 1–9. Faturrahman, B. M. (2019). Pemikiran Kritis Sound Governave Terhadap Globalisasi: Pandangan Dari Ali Farazmand. Jurnal Politik Dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan, 11(2), 1689–1699. Firmansyah, R., Ismail, S., Utaberta, N., Yuli, G. N., & Shaari, N. (2020). Student's Perception of Common Rooms in Daarut Tauhid Tahfidz Islamic Boarding School, Bandung. 192(EduARCHsia 2019), 86–89. https://doi.org/10.2991/aer.k.200214.012 George, R., & Goodman, D. (2012). Teori Sosiologi Modern. Jakarta: Kencana Prenada Media Group. Hambali, H. (2017). Globalisasi Dan Pendidikan Pesantren. At-Ta'lim: Media Informasi Pendidikan Islam, 13(2), 213-234. Hidayah, N. (2016). Strategi Pembelajaran Tahfidz Al-Qur'an di Lembaga Pendidikan. Ta'allum, 4(1), 63-81. Hoffman, J. (2007). A Glossary of Political Theory. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Indrioko, E. (2015). Membangun Citra Publik Dalam Lembaga Pendidikan Islam. UNIVERSUM (Jurnal Keislaman Dan Kebudayaan), 9(No 2), 265–274. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.30762/universum.v9i2.92 Karsidi, R. (2017). Budaya lokal dalam liberalisasi pendidikan. The Journal of Society & Media, 1(2), 19–34. Kirana, Z. C. (2017). Pandangan Azyumardi Azra Terhadap Modernisasi Pesantren. INOVATIF: Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan, Agama Dan Kebudayaan, 3(1), 77–94. Latif, M. K., Jimaain, T., & Jasmi, K. A. (2020). Competence and Method of Teaching Tarannum Al-Quran Among Teachers of Special Class on Reading and Memorizing Al-Quran Skill (KKQ) in Johor. 400(Icream 2019), 249–253. https://doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200130.177 Lubis, A. M., & Ismet, S. (2019). Metode Menghafal Alquran Pada Anak Usia Dini di Tahfidz Center Darul Hufadz kota Padang. Aulad : Journal on Early Childhood, 2(2), 8–14. https://doi.org/10.31004/aulad.v2i2.30 Mahjoob, M., Nejati, J., Hosseini, A., & Bakhshani, N. M. (2016). The Effect of Holy Quran V oice on Mental Health. Journal of Religion and Health, 55(1), 38–42. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-014-9821-7 Majid, A. (2016). Strategi Pembelajaran. Bandung: Pt Remaja Rosdakarya. Malikah, N., Hidayatullah, F., Asrowi, & Anitah, S. (2020). Inside-Outside: Model of Memorizing Hadith at Elementary Islamic School. 422(Icope 2019), 386–390. https://doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200323.155 Marcuse, H. (2012). Perang semesta Melawan Kapitalisme. Jakarta: Gramedia. Moleong. (2017). Metode Penelitian Kualitatif (Vol. Cetakan 37). Bandung: Remaja Rosdakarya. Murniyati. (2017). Implementasi Pendidikan Karakter Religius terhadap Anak Usia Dini. Prosiding Seminar Nasional 20 Program Pascasarjana Universitas PGRI Palembang, (November). Muslimin, A. (2015). Implementasi Metode Halaqah dan Resitasi Dalam Tahfidz Al-Quran di SDIT el-Haq Banjarsari Buduran Sidoarjo. Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, (1), 55–62. Nawaz, N., & Jahangir, S. F. (2015). . Effects of memorizing Quran by heart (Hifz) on later academic achievement. Journal of Islamic Studies and Culture, 3(1), 58-64. Nugraheni, S., & Fakhruddin, F. (2014). Persepsi dan Partisipasi Orang Tua terhadap Lembaga PAUD Sebagai Tempat Pendidikan untuk Anak Usia Dini (Studi pada Orang Tua di Desa Tragung Kecamatan Kandeman Kabupaten Batang). Journal of Nonformal Education and Community Empowerment, 3(2). Nurani, Y., & Dwi, A. (2017). Early Childhood Education Teachers ' Effective Communication Based Teaching Skill. Proceedings of the 9th International Conference for Science Educators and Teachers (ICSET 2017), 118, 723–728. Pieterse, J. N. (2019). Globalization and culture: Global mélange.: Rowman & Littlefield. Pramono, S. Y., & Sofyan, H. (2019). Quality Learning Tahfiz Design in Integrated Islamic Elementary School Sleman Special Region of Yogyakarta. 323(ICoSSCE 2018), 88–94. https://doi.org/10.2991/icossce-icsmc-18.2019.17 Priatna, T., Nurhamzah, Suryana, Y., & Nurdiansah, N. (2015). International Journal of Advanced Trends in Computer Science and Engineering Available Online at http://www.warse.org/ijatcse/static/pdf/file/ijatcse02422015.pdf. 4(2), 15–21. Rifki. (2017). Komersialisasi Pendidikan: Tantangan Bagi Lembaga Pendidikan Islam. I'tibar (Jurnal IlmiahIlmu-Ilmu Keislaman), 4(8), 167–182. Rosyid, M. Z. (2019). Kapitalisme Pendiidkan Islam (Antar Kompetensi dan Keadilan). Akademika:Jurnal Pendidikan, 2(1), 112–123. Rustiawan, H. (2015). Komersialisasi Pendidikan. Tazkiya (Jurnal Keislaman, Kemasyarakatan Dan Kebudayaan), 16(1), 44–63. Sa'diyah, R. (2013). Melatih Kecerdasan Emosi Anak Usia Dini. Jurnal Kependidikan., 18(1), 119–120. Samuel, P. H., & Conley, M. (2019). Dampak arus globalisasi terhadap jalannya demokrasi di indonesia. Juirnal Rectum, I(1), 104–114. Santrock, J. W. (2007). Perkembangan anak. Jakarta: Erlangga. Steger, M. B. (2017). Globalization: A very short introduction (Vol. 86). America: Oxford University Press. Sugiyono. (2017). Metode Penelitian Bisnis: Pendekatan Kuantitatif, Kualitatif, Kombinasi, dan R&D. Bandung: CV. Alfabeta. Sujiono, Y. N. (2009). Konsep Dasar Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini. Jakarta: Indeks.Tadjuddin, M. S., Sani, M. A. M., & Yeyeng, A. T. (2016). Dunia Islam dalam Lintasan Sejarah dan Realitasnya di Era Kontemporer. AL-FIKR V6, 20(2). Taslama. (2014). Keajaiban al-Quran. Surabaya: Penerbit Sygma. Tidjani, A. (2017). Manajemen Lembaga Pendidikan Islam Menghadapi Tantangan Globalisasi. Jurnal Reflektika, 13(1), 96–126. https://doi.org/10.28944/reflektika.v13i1.74 Utama. (2016). Pembumian Jihad dalam Konteks Indonesia Kekinian: Pengentasan Masyarakat dari Kemiskinan dan Keterbelakangan. Jurnal Multikultural & Multireligius, 53. van Glinken, H. (2014). Globalization, Higher Education and Sustainable Development. European Union Rectors' Conference. Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Higher Education of Malaysia, University of Malaya, Delegation of the European Commission in Malaysia, and Asean – European Union Network Programme. Yusuf, M. (2017). Pendidikan karakter, Konsep Dan Aplikasinya Pada Sekolah Berbasis Agama Islam. Intizam, Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam, 1(1), 14–22. Zulfitria. (2017). Peranan Pembelajaran Tahfidzal-Quran Dalam Pendidikan Karakter Di Sekolah Dasar. Naturalistic: Jurnal Kajian Penelitian Pendidikan Dan Pembelajaran, 1(2), 124– 134.
In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants' portrayal of "war violence", "sexual war violence", "victimhood", and "reconciliation" as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category "victim" and "perpetrator". The violence practice during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. When, after the war, different categories claim a "victim" status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status are downplayed. The stories of reconciliation are connected to the past; the interactive consequences of war-time violence are intimately linked to the narrator's war experiences. The interviewees distance themselves from some individuals or described situations. It is common that the portrayal of possible reconciliation is transformed into a depicted implacable attitude, thus the interviewees negotiate their stances: they articulate between reconciliation and implacability statements. This study shows that after the war in Bosnia, the interpretations of biographical consequences of violence are intimately connected to previous war experiences. Narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" and "sexual war violence" depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war. The narratives on wartime violence, war perpetrators, and those subjected to violence during war are enhanced with symbolicism of ritualized ethnic violence ("cockade," "chetnik," "Serb," "Muslim," "warlord"). On one hand, the narrators make an ethnic generalization based on the differences between the ethnic categorizations; on the other hand, they present their own physical existence and ethnic identity and that of those subjected to violence as being threatened by the violent situation. The disintegration of the existing, pre-war social order produces and reproduces a norm resolution that enables the ritualized war-time use of violence. This development allows the normalization of war violence in this time period even though the result, as this study shows, means human suffering and the slaughter of humans. This study presents this development in society ambivalently, as both allowed and normatively correct (during the war) and as prohibited and condemned (primarily in retrospect, in post-war narratives). It seems as if the category "war violence" and "sexual war violence" means different things depending on whether it happened during war or not, whether it is retold or observed, and who is telling the story. For some persons, violence targeting civilians during the war is an act of heroism. The Holocaust during World War Two was in many cases highly efficient and industrialized; the typical goal was to kill from a distance, impersonally. Researchers have noted that those who climbed the ranks to leadership positions or were in charge at concentration camps seemed to have engaged in very personal, sadistic acts in Germany during WWII. Is there an interaction of rank/power in wartime and level of motivation/energy input required for violence (ie, those in charge require less energy input because of the factors that put them in charge in the first place)? The stories and phrasing in this paper emphasize a distant, evil, and/or powerful leader who motivates the crowd (perhaps in part by symbolically reducing an ethnic target to something like a dog or rat) or gives orders, with the distinction from Holocaust violence that the leaders in these stories were neighbors, etc., of those they were harming and killing. In general contrast, the war violence in Bosnia was more broadly characterized by the individualized use of violence, in which the perpetrators often knew those subjected to violence. The stories reveal that firearms were seldom used; instead, the weapons were baseball bats or knives. These features can be compared to examples of violence in Rwanda, where the violence was more similar (and even more "savage") to that in my material than the typical examples of industrialized extermination violence of World War Two. The perpetrators in this study are often portrayed as people who enjoyed humiliating, battering, murdering, and inflicting pain in different ways. This characterization is a contrast to Collins (2008), who suggests that soldiers are not good in acting out close violence and that individuals are mostly inclined to consensus and solidarity. An explanation, in my study, of the soldiers' actions can be that soldiers in a war are pressured into being brave in close combat, the aim being to reign over the Others, the enemy. During war, enemies are targets of violence, to be subjected to it and neutralized. Soldiers and police in northwestern Bosnia were not close to any battlefield, and civilians thus were framed in the enemy role. By exposing civilians to violence, soldiers proved their supremacy over the enemy even when the enemy was an abstract type, unarmed and harmless. Another explanation might be found in the degree of mobilization and emotional charge that occurred before the war, through the demonization of the enemy. People were probably brutalized through this process. Those interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. They suffered crimes against humanity, including most types of violent crimes. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All of the interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. An analysis of the processing of experienced or described violent situations in a society that exists as a product of a series of violent acts during the war must be conducted in parallel both at the institutional and individual levels. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence," "sexual war violence", "victimhood," and "reconciliation". The existence of Republika Srpska is based on genocide committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide. Another interesting aspect of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation" to be examined in a future analysis, regards the stories of perpetrators describing violent situations. Conversations with these actors and an analysis of their stories might add a nuanced perspective of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation". Another question that emerged during my work on this article is, What importance is given to stories told by the perpetrator of violence and those subjected to violence in the development of a post-war society? I believe it is of great importance to study stories in both categories. By recounting their stories, those subjected to violence could obtain recognition and some degree of self-esteem and the perpetrators be given a chance to explain to themselves and others, display shame over their actions, and possibly restore their social status. Without this type of process, those who are subjected to violence risk a life without recognition, and the perpetrators risk being permanently bound by their war-time actions, a clearly unstable foundation for the future development of a post-war society.
In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants' portrayal of "war violence", "sexual war violence", "victimhood", and "reconciliation" as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category "victim" and "perpetrator". The violence practice during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. When, after the war, different categories claim a "victim" status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status are downplayed. The stories of reconciliation are connected to the past; the interactive consequences of war-time violence are intimately linked to the narrator's war experiences. The interviewees distance themselves from some individuals or described situations. It is common that the portrayal of possible reconciliation is transformed into a depicted implacable attitude, thus the interviewees negotiate their stances: they articulate between reconciliation and implacability statements. This study shows that after the war in Bosnia, the interpretations of biographical consequences of violence are intimately connected to previous war experiences. Narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" and "sexual war violence" depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war. The narratives on wartime violence, war perpetrators, and those subjected to violence during war are enhanced with symbolicism of ritualized ethnic violence ("cockade," "chetnik," "Serb," "Muslim," "warlord"). On one hand, the narrators make an ethnic generalization based on the differences between the ethnic categorizations; on the other hand, they present their own physical existence and ethnic identity and that of those subjected to violence as being threatened by the violent situation. The disintegration of the existing, pre-war social order produces and reproduces a norm resolution that enables the ritualized war-time use of violence. This development allows the normalization of war violence in this time period even though the result, as this study shows, means human suffering and the slaughter of humans. This study presents this development in society ambivalently, as both allowed and normatively correct (during the war) and as prohibited and condemned (primarily in retrospect, in post-war narratives). It seems as if the category "war violence" and "sexual war violence" means different things depending on whether it happened during war or not, whether it is retold or observed, and who is telling the story. For some persons, violence targeting civilians during the war is an act of heroism. The Holocaust during World War Two was in many cases highly efficient and industrialized; the typical goal was to kill from a distance, impersonally. Researchers have noted that those who climbed the ranks to leadership positions or were in charge at concentration camps seemed to have engaged in very personal, sadistic acts in Germany during WWII. Is there an interaction of rank/power in wartime and level of motivation/energy input required for violence (ie, those in charge require less energy input because of the factors that put them in charge in the first place)? The stories and phrasing in this paper emphasize a distant, evil, and/or powerful leader who motivates the crowd (perhaps in part by symbolically reducing an ethnic target to something like a dog or rat) or gives orders, with the distinction from Holocaust violence that the leaders in these stories were neighbors, etc., of those they were harming and killing. In general contrast, the war violence in Bosnia was more broadly characterized by the individualized use of violence, in which the perpetrators often knew those subjected to violence. The stories reveal that firearms were seldom used; instead, the weapons were baseball bats or knives. These features can be compared to examples of violence in Rwanda, where the violence was more similar (and even more "savage") to that in my material than the typical examples of industrialized extermination violence of World War Two. The perpetrators in this study are often portrayed as people who enjoyed humiliating, battering, murdering, and inflicting pain in different ways. This characterization is a contrast to Collins (2008), who suggests that soldiers are not good in acting out close violence and that individuals are mostly inclined to consensus and solidarity. An explanation, in my study, of the soldiers' actions can be that soldiers in a war are pressured into being brave in close combat, the aim being to reign over the Others, the enemy. During war, enemies are targets of violence, to be subjected to it and neutralized. Soldiers and police in northwestern Bosnia were not close to any battlefield, and civilians thus were framed in the enemy role. By exposing civilians to violence, soldiers proved their supremacy over the enemy even when the enemy was an abstract type, unarmed and harmless. Another explanation might be found in the degree of mobilization and emotional charge that occurred before the war, through the demonization of the enemy. People were probably brutalized through this process. Those interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. They suffered crimes against humanity, including most types of violent crimes. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All of the interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. An analysis of the processing of experienced or described violent situations in a society that exists as a product of a series of violent acts during the war must be conducted in parallel both at the institutional and individual levels. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence," "sexual war violence", "victimhood," and "reconciliation". The existence of Republika Srpska is based on genocide committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide. Another interesting aspect of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation" to be examined in a future analysis, regards the stories of perpetrators describing violent situations. Conversations with these actors and an analysis of their stories might add a nuanced perspective of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation". Another question that emerged during my work on this article is, What importance is given to stories told by the perpetrator of violence and those subjected to violence in the development of a post-war society? I believe it is of great importance to study stories in both categories. By recounting their stories, those subjected to violence could obtain recognition and some degree of self-esteem and the perpetrators be given a chance to explain to themselves and others, display shame over their actions, and possibly restore their social status. Without this type of process, those who are subjected to violence risk a life without recognition, and the perpetrators risk being permanently bound by their war-time actions, a clearly unstable foundation for the future development of a post-war society. ; Panel with Presenters
After the Second World War, the effervescence which characterized Africa was partly due to men and women trained in western education and called intellectuals. Indeed, they advocated for significant changes within the colonial empires. Talking about African intellectuals at that time, is to refer to those who used their knowledge as a weapon against any kind of structural domination as well as the concepts and ideas related to that. It is in this wake that Alioune Diop (1910-1980) is situated. He is, may be, one of the less known but one of the most important African intellectuals of the 20th century, due to his commitment that still has impact on Africa today.The initiatives of Alioune Diop as African intellectual aimed to promote the African cultural renascence by valorizing the African identity and legacy, and by considering some positive aspects of the encounter between Africa and the West. In order to achieve this goal, he brought together intellectuals from Africa and African Diaspora, and provided them with an important tool in producing and disseminating knowledge, in a context which was a particular difficult one. Indeed, he founded Présence Africaine as an intellectual review in 1947, also as the first francophone publishing house in 1949, and then as an intellectual movement. He also initiated dialogue between African intellectuals and western intellectuals mainly regrouped within the European Society of Culture (SEC). In the wake of the African cultural renascence, Alioune Diop committed himself in reconciling the 'African identity' namely what African peoples possessed and expressed in their way of life and 'Christianity'. The dissertation particularly considers Catholicism, as a westernized expression of Christianity imported from Europe and presented as incompatible with the African way of life, from the very beginning of the Christian mission of the 19th century in Africa. For this Christian mission, it was impossible to be Christian and African rooted in his cultural identity at the same time. So, many African Christians got westernized and rejected their values, as inconsistent to Christianity. The PhD dissertation which encompasses intellectual history, religious history, political history and art history, by focusing on Alioune Diop, emphasizes the importance of the intellectual biography ("biographie intellectuelle"), as a method of approach and investigation in African history. In the particular context of the 20th century in Africa which witnessed an important development of knowledge as resulting from the commitment of the African intellectuals, this method is relevant in studying African personalities. The intellectual biography of Alioune Diop not only shows his contribution, but also the influence of his intellectual journey in contemporary Africa. In order to demonstrate the importance of the intellectual biography of Alioune Diop in understanding the way the conflicting concepts and realities "African identity" and "Catholicism" needed to be reconciled, the dissertation has dealt with many archives. One of its originality has been the archives of "Présence Africaine" exploited for the first time. The dissertation suggests that there is another side of the commitment of Alioune Diop, less known but which is however a key of comprehension of his initiatives: Christian religion. Indeed, he was also interested in religions, especially Christianity he considered as able to contribute in overcoming the challenges posed to Africa especially after the Second World War as well as in restoring the African dignity. Therefore, a particular attention was paid to Christianity in the events he initiated and organized. Besides, his own experience was marked by religion, for he was firstly Muslim and then became Catholic Christian. For Alioune Diop, it was necessary that Africans overcome the conflict introduced between this religion and Africa by European missionaries.With regard to Catholicism in particular, as a part of the western identity and whose sense means universal, it was important for it to meet the requirements of dialogue not only because the universal is not conceivable without dialogue, but also because the political context of Africa at that time called for that. Indeed, the fight for freedom and independence following the Second World War would have precluded the development of Catholicism if remained opposed to African identity. Therefore, Alioune Diop acted in order to create the possibility of dialogue and reconciliation between African identity and Catholicism, through congresses, conferences, workshops, and many other reflections he initiated. Thus, "African identity and Catholicism", in the intellectual journey of Alioune Diop underlines the necessity to bring together the African reality and the positive aspects of the western legacy, in order to build a real independent Africa which needed both contributions. This also implies the deconstruction of all the categories related to domination, complex of superiority, or rejection of the features of being African, within Catholicism. The dissertation also emphasizes the different transformations of the Catholicism in Africa, as resulting from the initiatives of Alioune Diop, in which many other African intellectuals took part. The current movement of "africanization" of Christianity and particularly Catholicism is mainly a part of the intellectual legacy of Alioune Diop who proposed another way to be Christian in Africa, by being African Christian without the necessity to change the paradigm of being oneself. The dissertation points out the fact that the intellectual initiatives of Alioune Diop in this particular domain need to be continued, since even today the problem of identity remains very important in Africa. Therefore, Africans have to rethink constantly the categories which could entangle the necessity of a permanent dialogue between Africa and its legacy. ; Le XIXe siècle en Afrique noire était non seulement marqué par la l'initiative de la colonisation occidentale, mais aussi par la mission de christianisation. A partir de ce moment jusqu'à la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, l'identité africaine signifiée par un mode de vie particulier était définie en opposition aux valeurs chrétiennes. Il était donc impossible d'être chrétien et Africain en même temps. C'est ainsi que beaucoup d'Africains chrétiens s'occidentalisèrent et rejetèrent leurs coutumes considérées comme les œuvres du démon. Dans le contexte colonial, ceci était considéré comme normal.Après la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, les intellectuels africains initièrent beaucoup de mouvements pour affirmer l'identité africaine: ce fut le commencement de l'émancipation culturelle et politique. Un de ces mouvements fut la Société Africaine de Culture, un mouvement intellectuel fondé par Alioune Diop et se situant dans le prolongement de Présence Africaine qui avait déjà rassemblé des intellectuels africains, antillais et européens. Alioune Diop devint alors le leader de l'émancipation culturelle de l'Afrique.En se consacrant à la figure d'Alioune Diop, la thèse souligne l'importance de la biographie intellectuelle, comme méthode de réflexion en histoire africaine. Elle y est présentée comme une approche qui permet de saisir des aspects qui peuvent échapper à l'intérêt accordé aux événements. Une autre caractéristique de cette réflexion est la place accordée à des archives non organisées et aux interviews dans un travail scientifique. La thèse soutient donc qu'il y a une dimension de l'engagement d'Alioune Diop qui, bien que moins connue, constitue une clé de compréhension de sa vie et de son œuvre. Cet intellectuel africain était en effet attentif à la religion et tout particulièrement au christianisme. Il considérait cette religion comme une réalité qui en Afrique pouvait soutenir le changement de nombreuses situations, pour permettre à ses peuples de trouver leur place dans le monde moderne. Ainsi, dans tous les événements qu'il organisa, la religion chrétienne eut une place particulière. Comme le combat d'Alioune Diop consistait à restaurer la dignité africaine au moyen de la culture, le catholicisme, en tant qu'une expression du christianisme alors portée par la culture occidentale essentiellement, avait une place importante dans ses réflexions. La thèse soutient que l'émancipation de l'identité africaine était aussi une émancipation du christianisme en contexte africain, et donc du catholicisme. Elle démontre que le catholicisme dans sa situation actuelle, comme religion africaine, est largement tributaire de l'engagement d'Alioune Diop et des intellectuels qu'il était parvenu à rassembler autour de lui. Cependant, dans le but de comprendre ceci, certaines questions apparaissent importantes: quel est l'exacte contribution d'Alioune Diop dans la correction des dérives de la rencontre entre identité africaine et catholicisme? Comment s'exprime cette rencontre dans un contexte postcolonial? Quels éléments donnent une signification à l'africanisation du catholicisme au XXe siècle? Toutes ces questions structurent l'orientation de ce travail et ouvrent à de nombreux aspects de l'identité africaine à travers d'importants événements comme les deux congrès des écrivains et artistes noirs (Paris et Rome), les deux festivals mondiaux des arts nègres (Dakar et Lagos), les colloques organisés par Alioune Diop avec d'autres intellectuels africains. Il y a aussi une mise en exergue de certaines questions en rapport avec la religion chrétienne: parmi elles, les plus importantes sont: l'œcuménisme, le dialogue entre les religions de l'Afrique en rapport avec la personnalité africaine et l'héritage colonial et postcolonial.
Poverty is one of the greatest problems affecting developing countries. Socio-economic imbalances, created by both natural and artificial resource scarcity, restrict impoverished people's access to economic opportunities, limiting their purchasing power and empowerment. Environmental degradation is thus both a cause and effect of resource scarcity, as the poor are forced to seek increasingly environmentally and economically unsustainable methods of income generation, further marginalizing them. Microfinance is known to be one of the best tools to combat poverty, as it allows the poor to empower both themselves and their communities through the creation and sustainment of their own businesses. Moreover, green microfinance, which combines the core concepts of microfinance with environmental awareness and preservation, aims to allow empowerment to occur without compromising the environment. Microfinance institutions (MFIs) use simple administrative procedures and the general abolishment of collateral to allow inhabitants of remote areas to access microfinance, whilst maintaining relationships with them and assisting with their financial and personal problems, educating them, and providing aid in the event of environmental disasters. Hence, microfinance is believed to have a positive effect on both poverty alleviation and environmental awareness. In Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Islamic finance, which was established in 1991 and saw rapid development during the politically volatile years of 1997 and 1998 (Seibel 2008), comprises commercial banks and banking units, Islamic rural banks, and Islamic financial cooperatives. Commercial Islamic banks focus on providing savings, financing, and insurance to medium and large businesses. People running small or micro businesses are thus restricted from receiving their services. Islamic microfinance, in the form of banking units, rural banks, and financial cooperatives, fills the void left by the commercial banks, enabling Indonesia's disadvantaged entrepreneurs to generate income on their own terms. Most people in Pasuruan Regency, East Java, earn their incomes in the processing industry, agriculture, and trading. In this region, these sectors contribute more than any other to the total Gross Regional Domestic Product (BPS Pasuruan). However, most of them generally negatively affect the environment, through pollutive and chemically harmful practices, as well as a lack of skill and knowledge required to mitigate the negative impacts of these practices. These effects could be influenced by the microfinance institutions that finance their business activities and have a say in how their businesses are run. This is particularly the case with the Islamic MFIs in the region, in whom clients put a great deal of trust, and whose growth has been stimulated by Islamic finance's own growth in Indonesia as a whole. Although MFIs have seen significant development since the 1970s, not enough is known about them. While they have been shown to contribute to poverty alleviation, little is known about their simultaneous roles as facilitators of poverty alleviation and environmental development. Understanding this dynamic was of particular concern in Pasuruan Regency, as the peoples of our research sites appeared to show little regard for their environment whilst relying on MFIs to support their businesses. With their institutions failing to intervene in their destructive behaviors, there is an opening for environmental degradation to be countered with the use of MFIs as promoters of environmentally-friendly business practices. This study aimed to investigate the effect of Islamic microfinance institutions on the welfare of their clients, and whether they positively contribute to their environmental awareness. We examined the role of Islamic microfinance institutions in poverty alleviation and environmental awareness in three different areas of Pasuruan Regency, namely lowland, coastal, and upland. We further compared the impact of Islamic MFIs with that of conventional MFIs, to understand whether Islamic microfinance is consistent with other microfinance types or is able to stand out in its influence on clients' welfare, awareness, and behavior Field work data was collected using qualitative and quantitative approaches. The qualitative approach comprised in-depth interviews, direct observations, and focus group discussions, while the quantitative approach comprised standardized and semi-structured questionnaires. Additionally, secondary data was obtained from banks and a number governmental organizations and officials and statistics offices. Triangulation and a logic model were used to evaluate and validate data before conducting both qualitative and quantitative data analyses. The qualitative analysis was used to describe the behavior of the people in our research area, particularly towards changes in their economic welfare and awareness of specific environmental issues after joining a microfinance institution. Quantitative data analyses consisted of frequency distributions and numerical summaries. Our results revealed that both Islamic and conventional MFIs' primary concerns were self-sustainability, as they attempted to maintain financial performances and increase client bases within a regional context. Pondok pesantren, through their prevalence and their teachers and students' social programs, contributed to the development of Islamic MFIs in the lowland area by improving the public's perceptions of Islamic microfinance. In the coastal area, Islamic MFIs managed to mitigate the challenges and poor perceptions created by their failed predecessors. Meanwhile, Islamic MFIs in the upland area employed specific strategies to overcome challenges to their sustainability during periods of mass withdrawals. Conventional MFIs largely tailored their services to the needs of their clients, helping farmers acquire seeds and fertilizer in the lowland area, for example, or assisting fisheries and small entrepreneurs in the coastal area and helping clients grow, harvest, and process agroforestry products in the upland area. The microfinance institutions in all three areas positively contributed to poverty alleviation, with a significant majority of MFI clients being able to develop their businesses after receiving financing or loans—more so those in the lowland and coastal areas than the upland area. In terms of business re-investment, the lowland area was found to have the lowest percentage of clients spending their surplus incomes on increasing business size or employee numbers; a factor that requires attention from the local government and MFIs if they are to contribute to self-empowerment. Contrasting their impacts on poverty alleviation, both conventional and Islamic MFIs had negligible impacts on increasing the environmental awareness of their clients. Our analyses revealed that the MFIs in all three areas had problems with providing environmental training to their clients, failing to combat the already existent lack in awareness, and consequent accumulative degradation that occurred as a result. In all three research sites, more respondents reported that they did not receive training from their MFI than those who did. MFIs found it costly to dedicate a part of their net profits to environmental matters, but we found one cost-effective way to contribute to environmental awareness was through informing them of the existence of the few training programs that were available. There are still a limited number of empirical studies on Islamic microfinance's contributions to the poverty reduction of both the poor and the poorest. Our comparisons of the roles of Islamic and conventional MFIs in alleviating poverty revealed that both Islamic and conventional MFIs had a positive effect on poverty alleviation—Islamic MFIs slightly more than conventional ones. The screening system used by the Islamic MFIs, in particular their targeting of clients who were less inclined to use their funds for unrelated purposes, had a significant impact on their ability to avoid the lending risks encountered by the conventional MFIs, as well as the development of their clients' businesses. This was supported by key informants' observations that Islamic microfinance reduces the poverty level of clients, with their interest-free financing options and more flexible repayment plans being major factors. Islamic MFIs' redistributions of public donations to the poorest in the form of qard al hasan (credit without interest) also fortified their roles as important contributors to poverty reduction. Nevertheless, considering how integral the environment is to their clients' livelihoods, their environmental initiatives were merely enablers in their clients' destructive behaviors, and will only contribute to increased resource scarcity and more arduous poverty alleviation efforts. Islamic MFIs should therefore look at targeting environmentally-friendly businesses, in spite of their unfairly negative associations with cost and risk, whether through the use social funds or collaboration with the government. Green microfinance, which was unsuccessful in our study, should continue to be studied as a viable method of providing financial services to poor communities. Green Islamic microfinance, further, may be considered the next step in Islamic finance's development, as institutions attempt to empower individuals and communities in increasingly vulnerable environments.
Living Beyond Boundaries: West African Servicemen in French Colonial Conflicts, 1908-1962, is a history of French West African colonial soldiers who served in French Empire. Known by the misnomer tirailleurs sénégalais , these servicemen contributed to the expansion, maintenance, and defense of France's presence on several continents. The complex identity and shifting purpose of this institution were directly linked to French colonialism, but determined by numerous actors and settings. The men in the ranks of the tirailleurs sénégalais came from France's colonial federations in sub-Saharan Africa--French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa. During the twentieth century, tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployed to North Africa, the Levant, Indochina, and Madagascar, where their exploits brought them into contact with other imperial populations. Tirailleurs sénégalais played crucial roles in assembling and disassembling French empire. The tirailleurs sénégalais provide a unique West African perspective of France's colonial empire that challenges national and French colonial readings of this colonial military institution. Tirailleurs sénégalais were colonial soldiers and intermediaries who experienced French colonialism unlike other colonized peoples. As employees of the colonial state, West African soldiers were often among the first populations to experience novel colonial policy. As soldiers, they implemented those policies in foreign colonial populations. However, these men were not simply the conveyors of colonialism. Their imperial assignments in colonial wars evidenced the importance of lateral exchanges of knowledge and experience between colonial populations linked together by France's presence. The tirailleurs sénégalais demonstrate that the core-periphery model of historicizing colonialism, where information and historical causality flow unidirectionally from the French metropole into its colonies, is limited in portraying how people experienced colonialism. The roles of women and wives in the tirailleurs sénégalais ' history attest to the significance of cross-colonial exchange in the French colonial world. West African women followed their soldier/husbands to North Africa and Madagascar. Repatriating soldiers brought foreign wives home to French West Africa from Syria, Lebanon, and Indochina. Regardless of their origin or the setting of their interactions with soldiers, women affected the decisions that West African men made regarding their military service. By accounting for the importance of wives and marriage, this project also illustrates how women and soldiers challenged a secular colonial state to redefine marriage. Soldiers and wives convinced the colonial state to allot family allowances to polygynous Muslim West African soldiers. By emphasizing the importance of foreign women and cross-colonial exchange in the history of the tirailleurs sénégalais , this project problematizes histories of federal colonial institutions that are circumscribed by the boundaries of modern nation-states. Due to its composition and the range of its deployments, the tirailleurs sénégalais was an international enterprise. When shoehorned into the national history of a contemporary West African country, the tirailleurs sénégalais become a tool for interrogating French colonialism in that West African. These histories overemphasize the hand of France in the histories of West Africans and neglect the global influences on men who made French empire. When viewed through the lens of empire, the tirailleurs sénégalais also challenge the periodization of the colonial period. West Africans fought in the French-Algerian conflict after their home colonies were sovereign nations. The veterans of the tirailleurs sénégalais continue to rely on this historical relationship through the collection of their pensions. This project is informed by archival, published, and oral sources. They sources provide a nuanced understanding of the various worlds that tirailleurs sénégalais traipsed through in the twentieth century. The first half of this dissertation relies on French archival materials and published memoirs. These written sources were penned predominantly by French men, but the voices and agency of West African troops emerge in critical moments. These sources also portray French biases towards the tirailleurs sénégalais , as well as the ways in West African intermediaries contributed to French knowledge regarding their recruits. Roughly one hundred interviews conducted with veterans and their families inform the second half of this dissertation. Memory and oral history added complexity to the history presented by archival military documents. A source fraught with its own biases and omissions, veterans' memory of the past enriched this dissertation with anecdotal evidence. Their memories also illustrated how the fifty years since independence have influenced how they give importance particular events in their personal histories as soldiers and veterans. Living Beyond Boundaries chronologically, and geographically follows tirailleurs sénégalais ' imperial engagements in Morocco, Syria-Lebanon, Indochina, Madagascar, and Algeria. The West Africans in this dissertation were soldiers in the employment of France and large-scale conflicts act as the chronological framing device of this dissertation. Each chapter takes place in different imperial locations, but each analyzes recurring themes that illustrate how West Africans experienced the French colonial military and how they maintained empire. Chapter One introduces tirailleurs sénégalais and situates them within several genres of historical literature and accounts for the institution's nineteenth-century history. Chapter Two analyzes their deployment in the Moroccan "pacification" campaign, between 1908 and 1914. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployment in North Africa was an experiment that served as the springboard for subsequent deployments in French empire. The Moroccan campaign tested the adaptability of West African servicemen to military life in temperate climates, as well as challenged the French assumptions about their sub-Saharan African troops. The outbreak of the Great War brought the tirailleurs sénégalais to France. Chapter Three deals with pivotal legislation that reshaped the tirailleurs sénégalais . The Blaise Diagne Laws of 1915 and 1916 passed as result of the crises of the Great War. These laws secured citizenship for a minority of West Africans, who became obligated to service in the French military. The renegotiation of citizenship for military service led to the bifurcation of West African soldiers in the French Armed Forces--West African citizens served in the French metropolitan army and West African subjects in the tirailleurs sénégalais . Their experiences as soldiers diverged after the ratification of this legislation.After the armistice in 1918, tirailleurs sénégalais were diverted from France to serve in recently acquired French mandate territories--Syria and Lebanon. Chapter Four takes place in the interwar period, when the tirailleurs sénégalais ' role in empire was redefined as they fought in small-scale conflicts in the Levant and Morocco. The financial crisis of the 1920s and 1930s negatively impacted the colonial military's effort to improve and professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais . The "hollow years" witnessed important processes in the tirailleurs sénégalais . The French military's attempt to professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais was also thwarted by their paradoxical move to reestablish racial hierarchy in empire. The outbreak of World War II brought schizophrenia, paranoia and fratricide to the tirailleurs sénégalais . Chapter Five studies the division of empire into factions aligned with Free France and Vichy France. The tirailleurs sénégalais existed on both sides of this divide and found themselves facing one another on the battlefields of Syria when Allied forces attacked Vichy forces there. French Indochina fell under the authority of neighboring Japan and West African soldiers relied on romantic relationships with Indochinese women to survive the war. The reversals of World War II encouraged postwar challenges to France's authority in several of its colonies. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' participated in these events as colonizers and colonized peoples.The conclusion of hostilities in France were eclipsed by the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence. Chapter Six addresses the nine-year guerilla war in Indochina, where tirailleurs sénégalais found themselves overwhelmed by the intimacy and violence of close fighting quarters. This chapter is informed by veterans and their widows' memories, which illuminated the personal and psychological characteristics of this conflict. This was the first large-scale anti-colonial war where evidence suggests that tirailleurs sénégalais questioned their role in French colonialism. Deserters abandoned the French army for political reasons and for love. The romantic relationships between soldiers and Indochinese women led to the international migrations of inter-racial families to West Africa. West African communities dealt with the aftermath of the French-Indochinese Ware as their sons' families integrated into their households. After the conclusion of the Indochinese conflict in 1954, some tirailleurs sénégalais were redeployed immediately to the battlefields of Algeria. Chapter Seven uses the French-Algerian war as a backdrop for troops' demobilization and West Africa's decolonization. The French Constitutional Referendum in 1958 launched West African independence. West African soldiers became caught up in the extrication of France from West Africa, since both entities desired trained troops. As a result, tirailleurs sénégalais remained in France's employment after their natal countries were sovereign nations. West African soldiers' dual allegiance to France and their country of origin challenged the meaning and finality of political independence. The Conclusion takes this argument further by analyzing the contemporary relationships between tirailleurs sénégalais veterans, West African states and France.
ÖZETRus İdesi ve Rus İdeali Rus Siyasal Düşüncesinde Doğu, Asya ve Avrasya (1700'lerden 1920'lere)Bu tezin amacı Rus Düşünce tarihi içersinde Doğunun, Asya'nın ve Avrasya'nın yerini analiz etmek ve bu kavramların sadece stratejik bir anlam ifade etmediğini açıklamaya çalışmaktır. Çalışmamızda görüleceği gibi Doğu, Asya ve Avrasya kavramlarının anlamları birbirlerinden farklı olmakla beraber zamanla aynı kavramsal çerçeve içinde kullanılmış ve ulusal bir nitelik kazanmışlardır.Bu durumun esas nedeni Rus Düşünürlerinin Rusya'nın hem fiziki, hem de tarihsel varlığını Doğu-Batı karşıtlığı içinde anlamlı görmeleridir. Rusya'nın tarihsel varlığı tezimizde Rus İdesi olarak ifade edilmiştir. Rus düşünce geleneği bu ideyi 19. yy.' da Otokrasi, Ortodoksluk ve Milliyetçilik formülü içersinde açıklamıştır. Daha sonra bu genel bir tanım haline gelmiştir. Bu tezin diğer bir amacı, Doğu- Batı; Asya-Avrupa karşıtlığı bağlamında ortaya çıkan bu tür tanımların daha geniş bir çerçevede değerlendirilmesi gerektiğini belirtmektir. Rus Düşünce tarihi de bu tür bir anlam genişliğine meyillidir. Bu Avrasya coğrafyasında çok kültürlü, çok etnikli bir yapıyı tek bir devletin yönetiminde tutmak için gereklidir. Bu çerçevede, Rus İdesi tezimde "hizmet, sosyal adalet/ etik, ve tabilik" bağlamında tanımlanmıştır. Bu kavramlar Rus toplumsal yapısını entegre bir bütüne döndürmek için kullanılmıştır. Kısaca Rus İdesi Rus toplumunun bütünlüğünü tekrar ve tekrar entelektüellerin geliştirdiği tanımlamalar aracılığı ile sağlamıştır. Bu süreç içersinde sözünü ettiğimiz İdeyi Rus yapan iki faktör vardır: Rus Devletinin varlığı ve İdenin batılı olmayan içeriği. Göreceğimiz gibi, Rus düşünürleri Rus İdesine, Rus doğasının batılı olmadığı ve olamayacağını vurgulamak için atıfta bulunmuşlardır. Rusya başka bir yol izlemek, kendi ayrı dünyasını kurmak zorundadır.Bu anlayış, Rus İdeali anlayışı ile birleşmektedir. Rus İdeali Rusya'nın kendi güvenliğini, ekonomik ve sosyal bütünlüğünü, ve kendi kendine yeterliliğini en iyi şekilde koruyabileceği coğrafi sınırları ifade eder. Rus İdeali bu sınırlar içersinde Rus İdesinin öngördüğü biçimde tam bir birliği öngörür. Rus düşünürler bu sınırları Asya üzerinde tanımlarlar. Rus emperyal sisteminin Doğuya yayılışı kolonyalizmi hatırlatsa da, tezimizin ikinci bölümünde görüleceği gibi bu Avrupa kolonyal yönetimlerinden farklıdır. En önemli farklılık da bu yayılmanın "yeni" bir ulus oluşumuna işaret etmesidir. Devletin ve emperyal sistemin oluşumunun ulus oluşumundan önce gelmesi, Rus İdeali içersinde ve Rus İdesi kılavuzluğunda gerçekleşecek entegrasyon sürecine oldukça modern bir anlam katar. Yurtaşlık, Rus Asyasında yaşayan Pagan ve çoğunlukla Müslüman hakların etnik ve kültürel olarak Rus kültür ve medeniyetine asimile olmasından ziyade, Rus İdesini en geniş şekilde (hizmet, sosyal adalet/ etik, ve tabilik) algılayan yeni bir ulus oluşumuna işaret eder. Rus düşün hayatı bunu yeni bir medeniyet oluşumu olarak algılarlar.Böylece Rus Doğası, Rusya'nın tarihsel ve coğrafi varlığı, kendi içersinde bir dönüşüm geçirir. Rus düşünürlerinin gözünde ancak bu özel doğaya uygun siyasi modeller Rus varlığını güvence altına alır. Rus düşünürleri, Batının ( Avrupa'nın) gittikçe artan askeri gücüne ( kolonyalizmin Asya'da stratejik amaçla kullanılması), geliştirdiği ekonomik sisteme (ticari ve finansal kapitalizm) , iddia ettiği kültürel gelişmişliğe ( Avrupa medeniyetinin bütünlüğü ve üstünlüğü) karşı bir güvence aramaktadırlar. Bu durum düşünürlerin Asyalılığı ve Doğululuğu Batılılığa karşı harekete geçirmelerine yol açmıştır. Ancak, Batıdakinin aksine bu atıfla Doğuya aktif olma rolü verilmiştir. Bu Rus coğrafyası içersinde ulusallaşma sürecini de kapsıyordu. Çünkü her milli canlanış arayışında olduğu gibi, Rus Düşünürleri kendi değerlerine dönmek istediklerinde, Rus milletinin Avrupalı ve Asyalı kavimlerin, ulusların aktif kültürel, etnik, ve politik katkıları sonucu oluştuklarını farkettiler.Avrasyacılık bu anlayışın Rusya'nın geleceğini belirleyecek bir ideoloji olarak ortaya çıkışını anlatır. Avrasyacılar hem Rus İdesini hem de Rus İdealini batı karşıtı bir retorikle yorumlamayı başarmışlardır.Üçüncü Bölümde göreceğimiz gibi bu yorumlama sadece Rus düşünce tarihinin Doğu-Batı karşıtlığı geleneğinden kaynaklanmıyordu. Aynı düşünce geleneği Batı'da da hakimdir. En önemlisi de Batı düşünce sistematiği içersinde Rusya batılı bir güç değildir. Hatta ekonomik, siyasi ve toplumsal dinamiklerinin nasıl yorumlandığına bakacak olursak, onun Doğulu bir güç olarak görüldüğünü anlarız.Avrasyacılar, Batının Batılı olmayan tüm uluslara karşı ayrımcı ve hatta saldırgan davranacağını varsayarak, Batılı olmayan Rus /Avrasya doğasını gerektiğinde Batı karşıtı olacak bir iradeyle kullanmayı planlarlar. Dolayısıyla tezin diğer bir amacı, Avrasyacılığın basit bir strateji olmadığı, Rus Düşünce tarihinin ana dinamiklerini kullanan bir doktrin ve bölgesel bir model olduğunu vurgulamaktır.ABSTRACTThe main aim of this thesis is to maintain that three geographic concepts East, Asia, and Eurasia are not only strategic. They are also philosophical and political notions. As it can be seen in our study, although, East, Asia and Eurasia are originally different concepts in nature, East and Asia are associated and acquire a national feature together with Eurasia throughout Russian political thought.The main reason of this perception is the imagination of Russian political thinkers. They saw Russian physical (geographic) and historical existence meaningful only within East-West dichotomy.In our thesis Russian historical existence is symbolised as Russian Idea. In 19th century, it was explained within the formula of "Autocracy, Orthodoxy and Nationalism." For years, it became the general definition of Russian Idea. Thus, another goal of my thesis is to emphasise that Russian Idea that has emerged from West-East, Asia-Europe contradiction, should be taken into consideration within a broader perspective. Indeed, Russian political thought has been inclined to such flexibility. This kind of flexibility was a requirement to cover multicultural and multiethnic structure of Eurasian geography under the aegis of one state.Within this framework, I prefer "service, social justice/ morality, and nature" basis for the definition of Russian Idea. I observe that Russian thinkers used these concepts to make Russian social structure an integral entity. Within this process, Idea was called Russian due to two reasons: The presence of Russian State, and its non-western nature.As it can be seen, Russian thinkers refer to Russian Idea to express the belief that Russian nature has been non-western and would never be western. The consequence of this logic is the claim that Russia has to follow a different path in order to establish her distinct world.This understanding was combined with Russian Ideal. Russian Ideal is used to denote the geographic area where Russia can maintain her security, economic and social integrity, and her ability to form self-sufficiency more efficiently. So, Russian Ideal proposes integration within certain boundaries like Russian Idea. Russian thinkers chose to define these boundaries on Asia. Although, expansion of Russian imperial system to east reminds us colonialism, as we see in Part II of the thesis, it is very different from European colonialism. The most significant distinction is that Russian eastward expansion is also a process of nation building.Thus, state-building and empire-building processes proceed nation-building period. This gives modern aspect to the integration realised on Russian Ideal (geography of Russian Empire), and under the guidance of Russian Idea. Thus, citizenship in Eurasian geography means more than assimilation of pagan and Muslim natives into the Russian culture. It points to the appearance of a new nation including members who perceive Russian Idea in its broader version (service, morality, and nature).In this sense, Russian nature, the physical and historical existence of Russia transformed in itself. In the eyes of Russian political thinkers, only the political models that are suitable for Russian nature can save Russian future. It is a search to find a guarantee for Russia at the face of expanding militarily power (colonialism), rising economic system (financial capitalism) and so-called cultural superiority of West (Europe).This is the situation that paved the way for the mobilisation of native dynamics under the name of Asianism or Easternism. However, by this mobilisation, Russian thinkers, and bureaucrats gave active role to eastern forces contrary to the tradition of western political thought. This was coincided with nation building process within Russia. Because when Russian thinkers turned to their native forces in order to renovate Russia, they perceived that Russian nation has been formed by the active cultural, ethnic, economic and political contributions of European and Asian nationalities.Eurasianism followed this logic of integrity. It emerged as a doctrine that used Russian Idea and Ideal within anti-western rhetoric. As we see in Part III, this anti-westernism can not be explained only with a reference to the traditional Russian political thought. This vision also derives from east-west contradiction and assumes that this contradiction is essential one. Actually, this understanding is not different from the dominant view within the Western political thought, which supposes that Russia is not a western power rather it has been an eastern one.Accordingly, Eurasians accepted that western (European) attitude toward non-western powers is always discriminative. As a result, they planned the non-western system of Russia /Eurasia in a manner to be anti-western when a direct confrontation between Europe and Asia were observed.Thus, another goal of my thesis is to prove that Eurasianism is not a simple strategy. Rather it is a doctrine and a regional model making use of the main dynamics of Russian political thought (Russian Idea and Russian Ideal).
This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, theFerghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan.A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development ofinstruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts andinhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent– noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to thefield trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopoliticaltheory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, andadditional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF).The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" overthe "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the largergeopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time,the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors firstand foremost on the border and transborder levels.By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis:the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the culturalregionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance.First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, theintroduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explainits importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with thejustification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. Theintroduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier.First partThe thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the threeterritorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the CulturalRegionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of theirmanifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; eventsthat occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, butseparately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked.The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effectiveentity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but alsothe Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force oflegitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in theFerganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchyin the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined andimplemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first becamea transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist SovietRepublics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist SovietRepublics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of thethree Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but becamereal and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, aparticular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and theirevolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form aunique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the CulturalRegionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves.The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valleyis one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion alwaysplayed a major role in the society's administration and organization.The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: theautochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam ofthe soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in theFergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistanand Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it inducedbetween the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins.It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation,over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how thegeopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A specialattention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led theReligion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events.The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of thisregional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as theFergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole.Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels ofmultiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation ofpopulations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" aspecific social role within the system Fergana.Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic,these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. Thisvery phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of theFergana.However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise ofnationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actorCultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especiallythe Nation.Second partThe second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actorsin the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and fieldobservation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010.The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in thelight of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence".In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, thesecond chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis ofborder bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks atthemes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage tointeract despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitativeinterviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties ofpassage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the threegeopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts.The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that theFerganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres ina now fully transborder region.The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Upuntil then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following theindependence and the materialization of the borders.The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, andtheir relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region.The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of thedissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays.ConclusionThe conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the differentgeopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism.It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints:the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whoseimportance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its selfimage,its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz),atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian".However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strongobstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, byadapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana.The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 andthe Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries whichpersist in the region. ; IntroductionCette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asiecentrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, duTadjikistan et du Kirghizistan.Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers del'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts ethabitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèkeTachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodesde terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autourd'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université ParisVIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France.L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux surl'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contextegéopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé pardifférents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveaufrontalier et transfrontalier.Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique:le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objetd'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle.Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de sesfrontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques etéconomiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide pointthéorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de YvesLacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse del'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins.Première partieLa thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tourde rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de laNation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leursdifférentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsiabordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsipas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués.Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons nonseulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan,Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers depolitiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère àl'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de lahiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations duFerghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avecson intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre troisdes cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans lesannées 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières quidivisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bieninternationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre,une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Lechapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent unacteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et leRégionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoireFerghana entre eux.Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée duFerghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religionislamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société.Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : lesoufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans leFerghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée parMoscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbiterécemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite del'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivieentre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans.Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sontopposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources duterritoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie dutout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien aucours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance.Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à lamanière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans denombreux évènements du Ferghana.Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence àl'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes etreligieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana atoujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sapopulation se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité ethétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui atoujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » unrôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana.Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque etsédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé,chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomèneest la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana.Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènementdu nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations del'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteurRégionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteursterritoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation.Seconde partieLa seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dansla vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat desentretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours deséjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010.Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumièrenotamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne dedéfense".Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle del'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, autravers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et desdocuments requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commercialestransfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagirmalgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent ausein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôlemajeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dansles descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujoursjouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière.Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que lesFerghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que lescentres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière.Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque làterre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu uneterre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières.Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré etroutier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région.Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développeune analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui.ConclusionLa conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre lesdifférents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel.Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points devue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques etsociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structuresculturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin"ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne".Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré lesobstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, ens'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana.La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoirgéopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région.
This dissertation investigates the governance of seventeenth-century Damascus by examining claims upon the productive capacity of land, and the collection and redistribution of agricultural taxes. The early modern Ottoman Empire--of which Damascus was a province--was a large agrarian empire wherein the interests of numerous groups and individuals converged around the land and its produce. In light of its centrality to both the subjects and the state, the management of land as a resource has much to tell us about what governance was expected to be in this period, at a time before religious, economic, political or social authority had been disembedded from one another. In this, Damascus is not much different from any other provincial town lying within the early modern empires of Asia and Europe; the issues raised here are not pertinent to the history of the Middle East alone but are relevant to other early modern states. The inquiry into what the state governs and how it does so starts with the observation that Ottoman political literature conceives of a unified political body wherein different groups of people play different roles in allowing the state to function. Through the lens of tax assessment and collection, the first chapter examines the role within the Ottoman state body that is played by the peasant cultivators in the villages surrounding Damascus. The first half of the chapter explores how the prerogatives comparable to other fiscal military states shaped Ottoman taxation policy in the seventeenth century. The importance of obtaining cash led not only to the imposition of new taxes and updated tax registers at the Istanbul finance bureau, but to a new responsibility of the villagers for tax collection. The chapter argues that where compliance with taxation was concerned, the most important governing authority in the village was the villagers themselves. Examining the interactions between villagers, judges, muftis and tax farmers, the chapter examines how individuals and groups that are not state agents strictly speaking, become authorized to exercise state power. The chapter concludes that peasant cultivators do not merely maintain a relationship with the Ottoman government, rather, in some sense they are the government and form an integral part of its machinery.The question of how the governing authority of the state intersects with the authority of Islamic law has long been a question in the historiography of the Ottoman Empire and Islamic societies in general. However, the question of shifts in the configuration of religious and temporal authority in the seventeenth century is not an issue whose importance is confined to the history of the Islamic regions of the world. Rather, the question of expanding state power and the proper role of `religion' in the body politic is a widespread concern of the early modern period. With this question in mind, the second and third chapters explore the changing legal powers of the sultan and his agents to control productive land and peasant labor. Chapter two notes a change in the meaning and scope of sultan's authority to legislate peasant access to the land in the seventeenth century. This expansion in the sultan's legislative role is absorbed into the jurisprudence of the empire's jurist-scholars, and creating a specifically `Ottoman' practice of Islamic scholarship. Starting in the sixteenth century, the sultan's enacted laws--known as `qanun'--regulate with far greater detail the rights and obligations of peasants and soldier-tax collectors. What emerges is a right of usufruct for the peasantry that is controlled by the dynasty's statutes rather than the interests of local military administrators or local custom. The fact that this concept of the usufruct right eventually comes to prevail in Damascene villages suggests that usufruct was an increasingly standardized right across the empire's rural communities. This is despite the fact that the Damascenes had their own local and juridical traditions that ran counter to the concept of usufruct being promulgated by the sultan. What we find in juristic discussion of usufruct is a very slowly changing idea of the boundaries of imperial authority and its legal consequences. While the second chapter demonstrates a growing consensus that the sultan had wider authority to legislate in matters pertaining to the lands of the state treasury, the legality of some land tenure practices sanctioned by the sultan remained controversial. The third chapter examines the limits of state power to pursue its need to fill the coffers, and how it was expected to treat the village taxpayers. There was no debate among Ottoman subjects that a solvent treasury was a necessity. Without exception, we find that keeping fertile land productive and distributing the revenues in appropriate ways are shared priorities. The common reference point defining the limits of the sultan's authority over production and taxation was the shari'ah, yet there was great disagreement on what the shari'ah enjoined, and in some sense, what the shari'ah was. When it came to what means of extraction the shari'ah permitted or the extent to which the state could coerce the villagers to produce, disagreement was rampant. It was not always the ulema (religious scholars) that opposed state actions on the grounds that such actions violated the shari'ah--as this chapter shows, the views of the ulema were sometimes more cooperative with the dynasty's decisions than those held by its temporal administrators. Both chapters address the question of the shifting configuration of state and religious authority in the early modern world, and examine its consequences on the lives and livelihoods of Damascene cultivators. The fourth and fifth chapters investigate two groups in Damascus who were frequent beneficiaries of the revenues produced in the villages, the ulema and the soldiers based in the city. The right of these groups to receive the tax moneys of the peasant cultivators was premised on the services that each provided for the political body as a whole. There did not appear to be much dispute about the nature of the services that each was to perform, but differences did spring up when the question arose of how or whether such services had been performed in specific instances. The chapter maintains that it is these conflicting interpretations of service, status, privilege and vocational responsibility that most clearly reveal how the provincial elites did or did not take part in the exercise of Ottoman authority in Damascus. The ulema earned their access to the revenue sources through their scholarship and teaching and the general duty of providing moral guidance to other Muslims. Part of this duty was to denounce oppression, and to protect the strong from abusing the weak. An argument arose among the ulema of how much honor or revenue one could seek from the state without compromising oneself in the process. Could one covet the sultan's largess and still be adequately critical if he or his agents overstepped their authority? Other ulema found that the dignity of their profession was an asset when their management of cultivators and taxes was called into question. They deflected the accusations of greed and fraud by invoking their dedication to pious works and scholarship. In all cases, the self conception of the ulema as a group with a particular function in the political body was critical to the way they responded to opportunities for gaining wealth and power. For the soldiers stationed in Damascus as well as the great military families of the countryside, access to rural revenues was contingent upon obedient military service. Increasingly, the entirety of the fiscal and military resources of the province of Damascus was oriented towards financing the pilgrimage to Mecca. The need for effective, reliable and obedient military leadership of the pilgrimage began to assume a higher priority for the Ottoman government. From 1660 to 1690, the Damascene janissaries dominated the office of pilgrimage leader, as they had a number of qualities to recommend them for the position: not only did know the routes from accompanying the caravan, but their capacity to create trouble as well as their expectation of reward was modest in comparison with the great military families of the countryside. Through investigation of their economic activities, it is clear that the question of which soldiers were considered `local' to Damascus had more to do with their involvement in the city's commerce rather than their origins or ethnicity. In turn, when the dynasty finally moved to destroy their leadership and punish them for insubordination, the question of how their `local' sympathies had affronted imperial prerogatives played out differently than might be imagined. While the issue of what constituted obedience might be read differently in Damascus than in Istanbul, it was clear that the Damascenes shared the belief that military men, even local military men, must be obedient to the sultan. This dissertation argues that Damascenes from all backgrounds play an important role in Ottoman governance of the province, and one that is comparable to that of other early modern subjects. It shows people trying to locate their place within the political body as a whole, while the limits of their duties and powers associated with different groups underwent great flux and were vigorously debated. It is this uneasy integration of these various groups into the body of state which best demonstrates the relations between the subjects and the state in the early modern Middle East.
AMÉRICA LATINA Reestructuración del mapa político brasileño tras las elecciones.Para más información: http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2010/11/10/lula-en-president-consort_1438140_3222.htmlhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/70488.htmlhttp://www.miamiherald.com/2010/10/31/1901983/brazil-picks-an-ex-guerrilla-as.htmlHaití declaró al cólera como problema de seguridad nacional.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/setenta/personas/afectadas/colera/Puerto/Principe/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_14/Teshttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/10/world/americas/10haiti.html?ref=worldhttp://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/11/09/haiti.cholera/index.htmlhttp://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/11/09/haiti.cholera/index.htmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40087093/ns/health-infectious_diseases/http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2010/11/10/l-epidemie-de-cholera-touche-desormais-port-au-prince_1437908_3222.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323214La ONU busca contener epidemia en Haití.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/722521.htmlCuba profundiza su reforma económica.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323252http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cuba/prepara/decidir/cambio/modelo/economico/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_12/Teshttp://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/11/09/cuba.party.congress/index.htmlRevuelta en cárcel brasileña deja como resultado 18 muertos.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/11/09/brazil.prison.riots/index.htmlEl Salvador: 16 muertos por incendio en penal.Para más información: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2010/11/101110_el_salvador_incendio_carcel_muertos_rg.shtmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40111720/ns/world_news-americas/http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/722530.htmlAsaltan cantera en Brasil y se llevan 300 kilos de explosivos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/asaltan-una-cantera-en-el-sur-de-brasil-y-se-llevan-300-kilos-de-explosivos_8324381-4Litigio limítrofe entre Costa Rica y Nicaragua.Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2010/11/10/internacional/_portada/noticias/8626BAF5-D243-47DB-B83C-EBBD6DB6305F.htm?id={8626BAF5-D243-47DB-B83C-EBBD6DB6305F}http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2010/11/101110_nicaragua_costa_rica_google_mapas_oea_az.shtmlhttp://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Costa/Rica/da/48/horas/Nicaragua/retire/tropas/elpepuint/20101110elpepuint_2/TesDos amas de casa dirigirán las comisarías de dos peligrosos poblados de México.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/amas/casa/dirigiran/comisarias/peligrosos/poblados/Mexico/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_6/TesTensión en la frontera entre Argentina y Bolivia por invasión de territorio.Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2010/11/10/internacional/_portada/noticias/EB66FA4B-2612-4034-A3E5-580FFB827977.htm?id={EB66FA4B-2612-4034-A3E5-580FFB827977}Libertad de prensa en América preocupa a la Asociación Internacional de Radiodifusión.Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2010/11/10/internacional/internacional/noticias/806A5515-4754-4740-A91F-C21BB4B74AC9.htm?id={806A5515-4754-4740-A91F-C21BB4B74AC9}Castro y Chávez reforzaron la alianza que crearon hace 10 añosPara más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/fidel-castro-y-hugo-chvez-se-reunieron-de-nuevo-en-la-habana_8325860-4ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADÁInvestigan un supuesto misil que sobrevoló Los Ángeles.Para más información: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2010-11/10/content_11528586.htmhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323389http://diario.elmercurio.com/2010/11/10/internacional/internacional/noticias/4738C0DD-BE72-4D0B-9363-F6459D2D9C36.htm?id={4738C0DD-BE72-4D0B-9363-F6459D2D9C36}Los explosivos provenientes de Yemen podrían haber explotado al este de los Estados Unidos.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40110623/ns/world_news-europe/Visita de Obama a países asiáticos.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Obama/pide/musulmanes/impliquen/derrota/Qaeda/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_8/Teshttp://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2010/11/07/what-obama-can-learn-from-india?ref=worldhttp://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2010/11/10/barack-obama-reconnait-des-difficultes-dans-le-processus-de-paix-au-proche-orient_1437896_3218.htmlhttp://www.miamiherald.com/2010/11/08/1916073/obamas-india-play-not-without.htmlPolémicas declaraciones en el nuevo libro de Bush.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Bush/dice/memorias/tortura/Guantanamo/ayudo/salvar/vidas/prevenir/ataques/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_3/Teshttp://diario.elmercurio.com/2010/11/10/internacional/_portada/noticias/C27FD541-AB14-448B-BC99-D7EC9BBF14AB.htm?id={C27FD541-AB14-448B-BC99-D7EC9BBF14AB}http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323263http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323115Cierran más de 300 escuelas en Florida por amenaza de masacre.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/cierran-mas-de-300-escuelas-en-florida-por-amenaza-de-masacre_8328540-4Triunfo republicano en las elecciones legislativas.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Avalancha/republicana/elpepiint/20101108elpepiint_5/TesAcercamiento de Obama al islam.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323262http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323262http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40097031/ns/politics-white_house/http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-fg-obama-muslims-20101110,0,3858653.storyArchivado el caso de la destrucción de 92 videos de la CIA.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Archivado/caso/destruccion/92/videos/CIA/elpepuint/20101110elpepiint_6/TesEUROPAPromulgan la polémica reforma jubilatoria en Francia y crecen las críticas a Sarkozy.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/europe/11/10/france.pension.reform/index.htmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40103988/ns/world_news-europe/http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2030551,00.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323380Londres: estudiantes chocan con la policía.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/11/world/europe/11london.html?ref=worldhttp://www.lemonde.fr/europe/portfolio/2010/11/10/a-londres-une-manifestation-d-etudiants-degenere_1438341_3214.htmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40109371/ns/world_news-europe/http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/722548.htmlhttp://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2030609,00.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2010/11/101110_reino_unido_londres_estudiantes_protestas_rg.shtmlLa factible adhesión de Turquía, Croacia y Montenegro a la Unión Europea.Para más información: http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2010/11/09/l-adhesion-de-la-turquie-de-la-croatie-et-du-montenegro-a-la-loupe-de-l-ue_1437880_3214.htmlAlemania: crece la polémica por el tren con basura nuclear.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1322812Conmoción por una brutal paliza a un periodista en Moscú.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2010/11/10/world/europe/AP-EU-Russia-Journalist-Convicted.html?ref=worldhttp://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-russia-journalist-20101107,0,5991550.storyhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1322806Amenazas de ataques terroristas en Europa.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/europe/11/10/france.arrests/index.htmlPolémico anuncio sobre un posible final de la ETA.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323005Votantes griegos dan al plan de austeridad económica una segunda oportunidad.Para más información: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2030131,00.htmlASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTEPara Corea del Sur ser anfitrión del G20 será una oportunidad.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323224http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-korea-summit-protesters-20101110,0,4247250.storyProtestas de granjeros japoneses frente a las reuniones de la APEC.Para más información: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2010-11/10/content_11529945.htmIrán invita al grupo 5+1 a reunirse en Turquía.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Iran/invita/grupo/reunirse/Turquia/elpepuint/20101110elpepiint_8/TesPerspectivas del crecimiento chino.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/10/business/global/10oil.html?ref=worldAtaque contra católicos en Irak.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40103992/ns/world_news-mideastn_africa/http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/11/01/1901985/insurgents-in-iraq-seize-catholic.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/11/world/middleeast/11iraq.html?ref=worldhttp://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2010/11/10/plusieurs-morts-dans-une-serie-d-attaques-contre-des-chretiens-d-irak_1437922_3218.htmlObama llega a Corea del Sur.Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40101713/ns/world_news-asiapacific/Se eleva a 191 el número de muertos por la erupción del volcán Merpai en Indonesia.http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40108568/ns/world_news-asiapacific/http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/asia/elevan-a-191-los-muertos-por-la-erupcin-del-volcn-merapi-en-indonesia_8325102-4La Junta militar birmana asegura que ha conseguido el 80% de los votos.Para más información: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Junta/militar/birmana/asegura/ha/conseguido/votos/elpepuint/20101109elpepuint_5/Teshttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/10/world/asia/10burma.html?ref=worldhttp://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2030541,00.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-korea-summit-fence-20101111,0,5797073.storyhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2010-11/10/content_11524848.htmRefugiados comienzan a regresar a Myanmar.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/asiapcf/11/09/myanmar.violence/index.htmlIrán no discutirá cuestiones nucleares con las principales potencias.Para más información: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2010-11/10/content_11530708.htmhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/irn-dice-no-discutir-tema-nuclear-con-las-seis-potencias_8324620-4ÁFRICAViolenta situación en Sahara Occidental deja 19 muertos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/van-19-muertos-en-el-sahara-occidental-y-se-vive-situacin-de-terror_8325581-4http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2010/11/10/sahara-occidental-plusieurs-dizaines-d-arrestations-apres-le-demantelement-du-camp-de-contestataires_1437983_3212.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2010/11/09/le-sahara-occidental-35-ans-de-tensions_1437836_3212.htmlAccidente automovilístico en Congo deja 42 personas muertas. Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/10/world/africa/10polio.html?ref=worldhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40085307/ns/world_news-africa/Sudan investiga situación de rebeldes en Darfur. Para más información: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/40055586/ns/world_news-mideastn_africa/OTRAS NOTICIASThe Economist presenta su informe semanal: "Business this week".Para más información:http://www.economist.com/node/16648201?story_id=16648201CNN publica la sección: "Impact your world".Para más información:http://edition.cnn.com/SPECIALS/impact.your.world/Desafíos de la reunión del G-20.Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/10/business/global/10global.html?_r=1&ref=worldhttp://edition.cnn.com/2010/BUSINESS/11/10/g20.seoul.preview/index.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-korea-summit-fence-20101111,0,5797073.storyhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1323222Las Naciones Unidas acordaron los objetivos de la biodiversidad para el 2020.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/asiapcf/10/29/un.biodiversity.summit.conclusion/index.html
President Obama travelled to Europe this week for a one-day summit of the G-20 in London and a NATO summit in Strasbourg and Kehl. He then went to Prague to deliver a non-proliferation speech, which, with exquisite timing on the part of the North Koreans, came on the same day as that country tested a ballistic missile delivery system over Japan. In both the G-20 and the NATO summit, protestors took to the streets, in some cases becoming quite destructive.Obama's performance in Europe is being debated in the strongest terms in the United States: did he deliver? While many were again moved by his ability to dazzle European audiences, a consensus seems to be emerging that he is coming back home empty-handed. It would be easy to dismiss this divergence of views as politics as usual, with the Republicans criticizing him harshly while his own party lavishes praise on his performance, but it is somewhat more complicated than that: the question today is how much his popularity and charisma translate into getting palpable results that meet US interests.Dominique Moïsi recently commented on the risks of ignoring the dichotomy between Obama's essence (whohe is)and his performance (what he does). For the rest of the world in general, and for Europeans in particular, his electoral triumph has evoked enthusiasm and restored confidence in the resilience and vitality of American democracy, which many had come to doubt. With Obama, the man himself is the message. They like who he is, but will they also like what he does to protect American interests around the world? Changes in foreign policy are often less about grand declarations than they are about alterations in tone, outlook and priorities. However, underlying the rhetoric and the diplomatic dialogue, there are always the nation's interests which are much more immutable than changes in leadership. Obama has already changed the tone and texture of American diplomacy, but transforming the substance of US foreign policy will take much longer and will be much more difficult to achieve.Speaking to a spell-bound audience of French and German students in Strasbourg, France, he urged Europeans to join in a common effort to restructure the global economy and renew the trans-Atlantic alliance. In his cool yet direct way, Obama managed to talk to Europeans in some pretty harsh terms about the strained relationship. He had a difficult message to convey. To soften it, he first confessed America's own hubris: "In America there is a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union.there have been times when America has shown arrogance and been dismissive and even derisive."Then it was Europe's turn:"…But in Europe there is an anti-Americanism that is… casual but that can also be insidious…there have been times when Europeans choose to blame America for much of what is bad…these attitudes have become too common. They are not wise. They do not represent the truth. They fail to acknowledge that America cannot confront the challenges of this century alone but that Europe cannot confront them without America."He then reminded them that Islamic extremism is a threat to Europe as much as it is a threat to the United States. He pointed out some changes his administration has already made to bring it more in line with international sentiment: the closing of Guantánamo, the outlawing of torture, abandoning the use of the terms "enemy combatant" and "the war on terror." "America is changing but it cannot be America alone that changes," he said. He pledged a united front to tackle the Afghanistan war, the Palestinian conflict and the global crisis. Now it is up to Europe to do more, he implied.His speech brought applause from the crowd at several instances. Unfortunately, he was less effective in obtaining what he wanted from European decision-makers. This led pundits here to comment acidly that while Obama's aura and Michelle's grace are both national assets, they are not enough to persuade allies to do what is in the American interest. His harshest critics in the US said that in order to conquer their sympathies, Obama deferred to the European agenda and conceded too much: his mea culpa about American arrogance was too much for the opposition party to swallow. The truth is that he had two very difficult cases to make: first he had to persuade European leaders to increase their fiscal stimulus to 2% of their GDP; then he had to coax them into contributing more troops to the Afghan war. He was rebuffed on both fronts.On the economic front, it was a demand Europeans were not ready to make, given that, unlike the US, these social democracies already are financing large welfare states. Also in contrast with the US, Europe still has room left to use monetary policy to stimulate their economies. However, Obama was successful in starting to rebuild frayed relations not only with Europe but also with Russia and China. The G-20 communiqué contains several important steps toward strengthening international financial regulation, and it includes a directive to triple the IMF resources to 750 billion dollars to help distressed countries as well as a new trade finance initiative of 250 billion by the World Bank. An extra 100 billion in aid for the poorest countries will be raised from capital markets rather than the embers themselves. For a one-day summit, this is indeed progress: Obama is moving the ball down the line without turning it over to the other side. Later down the road, if and when the global economy needs further stimulus, he will be in a good position to make the case for more.In the case of NATO, his success was even perhaps more modest: he got a token increase in European troops for Afghanistan, but these are temporary only and will be deployed to train Afghan police and military, not in a fighting capacity. However, Obama used the forum to redefine America's intention there in much narrower terms, away from the unrealistic goal of establishing a Jeffersonian- style democracy and towards a new focus on rebuilding relations with the native population and containing Al Qaeda. He is also going to travel to Turkey next, to assuage fears in the Muslim world about American intentions toward them.In spite of the new commitment to increase the numbers of boots on the ground, it is clear that the Europeans are looking for an exit strategy in Afghanistan and that Americans, now more than ever, own that war: Obama is increasing the number of troops from 35.000 to 68.000 and has widened the theater of operations to include Pakistan. It is undoubtedly now an American war, a decision that may haunt him for years to come.The lost irony here is that Europeans have been very strident in opposing American unilateralism in Iraq, but when asked for a multilateral effort in Afghanistan, this one being the "legal" war that was approved by the UN Security Council, their response is a tepid 5,000 troops with no permission to engage, only to train Afghan military and police. Europe today has neither the stomach nor the resources for any type of war.In Prague, Obama outlined his vision for a world free of nuclear weapons. He warned that the non-proliferation regime is breaking down and called for a global summit on nuclear security. He said he hoped to negotiate a new treaty to end the production of fissile materials. On the deployment of a missile defense system in Eastern Europe, he opened two big loopholes: he said the US will deploy it "if it is effective" and "if Iran does not change its behavior." This is a major change of policy from the Bush years. It was very well received by the Russians but Obama will be severely criticized if his efforts to change the course in Iran fall flat, which is the most likely scenario.Ironically, while Obama's Prague speech on non-proliferation focused on preventing Iran and North Korea to develop nuclear weapons and delivery systems, Pakistan, a US ally, is not only a nuclear state itself, in possession of around five dozen nuclear weapons, but has a pathetically weak government that lacks the most rudimentary capacity of a modern state: it cannot control its own territory, its institutions are shaky and it is therefore very close to becoming a failed state. For now, it seems that the administration's best bet is to take a minimalist posture of what success here would look like: setting the bar for victory in the region lower, for example to the more modest goals of denying Al Qaeda safe havens and preventing the total collapse of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Otherwise, the US runs again the risk of being trapped in a quagmire with no end in sight.The greatest paradox of the present world crisis is that among steep criticism of the American model and proposals to "rethink the American paradigm", the rest of the world is still looking to the United States to save them. No other power or world order is emerging to take its place and there is immense yearning and expectation that Obama will deliver a miracle and restore growth, prosperity and order around the world. However, under the new reality of dispersion of power, which is already becoming the defining trait of the 21st century, conflicts will at best be managed by concerted action among allies, but no longer solved by the absolute power and domination of the United States.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
Summary of the Study Introduction Sudan is the third largest country on the African continent with a total area of 1,882,000 sq km. before the secession of South Sudan in 2011; Sudan was the largest country in Africa, covering I million square miles. Sudan is unique and complex in its climate, politics, environment, languages, cultures, religion and ethnicities. Demographically, Africans are the majority (52%), with Arab and Beja tribes constituting 38% and 6% of the population, respectively. Over 597 tribes live in Sudan that speak more than 400 dialects and practice different religions, live in Sudan. Muslims make up 70% of the total population of Sudan, followers of indigenous beliefs comprise 25% and Christians constitute 5% of the population. The complex mixture of the Sudanese social fabric renders it neither distinctly African nor Arab country. The Sudanese, however, have long disagreed about Sudan's identity. For some, Sudan should be Arab and Muslim. Other believe that the country should respect and accommodate all the cultures, religions and minorities within its territory. Most of Sudan constitutions stated that Islam and Arabic language should define the national identity. Politically, since the independence, Sudan has experienced a fluctuation between military rule and democratic rule. In fact, Sudan spent thirty years under the military rule, and only twelve years under democratically elected governments. The successive governments have frequently made use of emergency legislation to broaden the executive powers. These legislative measures have contributed to conflict and facilitated a range of human rights violations. In addition to the political instability, Sudan has the distinction in Africa in enduring a devastating civil war: that is: Sudan's north-south civil war. The conflict started just a year before the independence of Sudan, in 1956. The cumulative impact of that conflict has been massive. The conflict has caused horrendous loss of life in any interstate war, and has produced the largest internally displaced population (IDP) in the world. Sudan north-south conflict has long been perceived as ethnic or even religious conflict between the north and the south. Ethnicity has been used generously in the description of that conflict. Yet, a closer look at the history of the conflict reveals that the root-causes of that conflict are highly complex. But, this is by no means to say that conflict has had no ethnic, racial and religious overtones. The eruption of the north-south conflict was the result of a combination of factors. One could trace the root-causes of the conflict to the invasion of the south from the north by Turkiyya that expanded southwards, and the simultaneous development of slave trade. Thereafter, the British rule contributed in different ways to the crystallizing of the north-south dichotomy. After the independence of Sudan, successive governments, were unsuccessful in handling the growing southern problem, ranging from neglect to attempts to reverse the British isolation by enforced Arabisation and Islamization of the southern Sudan. The north-south conflict ended, in 1972, when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed by then President Nimeiry. But, the conflict broke out again, in 1983, when the Addis Ababa Agreement was abrogated by the then President Nimeiry. After a series of peace talks (which witnessed 'start and stop'), a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was concluded, in 9 January 2005, between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/SPLA) to end the conflict. The CPA provides for a temporary solution for the conflict through, inter alia, the distribution of the power between the north and the south of Sudan by establishing a decentralised system of government with a significant devolution of powers within which the Southern Sudan is to enjoy a regional autonomy and share half of the resources with north Sudan for a period of six years. Furthermore, the CPA creates joint institutions, such as, the Government of the National Unity (GoNU) in which the Southern Sudan participate and share ministerial posts. The CPA also provides for the establishment of a number of commissions for implementing and monitoring the CPA, for instance, the Evaluation and Monitoring Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, etc. At the end of the interim period, a referendum on the self-determination is to be held, in 2011, in which the people of the Southern Sudan will decide whether to remain within a united Sudan or to secede and form an independent State. The Aim of the Study The significance of this study derives from the conclusion of the CPA and the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) that called for democratic transformation so as to bring an end to Sudan north-south conflict. While the CPA ended Sudan's north-south conflict, a lasting peace and a democratic transformation, in Sudan, may prove elusive unless the CPA provisions are translated into reality, especially the implementation of constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms, including human rights protection and respect for the rule of law. The study aims to answer whether the CPA and INC can fulfil their roles in securing peace and establishing a framework in which the constitutional protection of human rights are recognised and effectively implemented through the availability of the various mechanisms. In this respect, the CPA provided for the adoption of a new constitution (INC), with a view to embedding constitutionalism, rule of law promotion, and protection of human rights. It is, therefore, this study is meant to analyze the constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms of the CPA and INC with a view to examining whether such constitutional reforms may be conducive for a lasting peace, in Sudan, that is based on human rights protection, constitutionalism and the rule of law. The CPA stipulated the need for institutional and legislative changes to reduce the risk of recurrence of human rights violations. To this end, the CPA mandated the adoption of a bill of right (for the promotion and protection of human rights) and provided for re-restructuring of the courts system. Such institutional reforms are aimed at embedding constitutionalism. That is to say: establishing a system in which the constitution provides an agreed upon framework for the exercise of powers and the protection of human rights. In this respect, the study examines whether the outcome of the constitutional reforms process (to recognise, implement, and protect human rights as provided for in the INC) have been reflected in institutional and legislative reforms to protect and prevent human rights violations and address past violations and systemic factors that have contributed to violations. To that end, the human right jurisprudence of the constitutional court will be examined. The Organization of the Study a) The Structure of the Political/Governance System in Sudan under the INC With the devolution of the powers and resources to the Southern Sudan level and other States, the governance system, under the INC, is structured with four levels of government: the national level at the apex, the Government of South Sudan level, the State level (25 States), the local level. Now, the government responsibilities are decentralized and the national government allocates a significant proportion of revenues to the States. It is, therefore, that the first question that this study poses is: What is the impact of the current governance in giving greater equity of representation and decision-making influence to communities across Sudan, thereby facilitating conflict management to achieve a lasting peace in Sudan? In Sudan, previously appropriate design of institutions to ensure political accommodations for all social groups has not been established in a way that would give them the chance to function properly. Now, the INC restructures the prevailing governance system by establishing a decentralized system of government that bears the characteristics of asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism - asymmetrical in the structure and responsibilities of subunits, with the level of South Sudan having more powers and resources than other States across Sudan. Establishment of a federal structure may constitute a mechanism for preventing a relapse into conflict through the devolution of the powers to the State level. For a federal to work effectively, it requires a functional court system to decide on the jurisdictional limits of the different levels of government. Nevertheless, the relevance of the court system in resolving the intractably political contentions in federal countries, especially in transition situations, is uncertain. Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the impact of the role of court system in post conflict countries. That said, the role of the court system in preserving democracy has grown in importance with the increase recognition of the judicial review of the constitutionality of the acts of the government organs and the recognition and the protection of human rights provisions. It is, therefore, that the involvement of the courts is necessary to ensure the successful operation of the federalism and thus the failure or the success of federalism is contingent on the implementation of the federal system by the courts. According to some scholars, 'federalism means legalism – the predominance of the judiciary in the constitution- the prevalence of a spirit of legality among the people'. As '[the] courts …are actually telling a government how far it can go with its assigned constitutional rights'. This leads to the second question that this study addresses which relates to the analysis of the constitutional reform as provided for in the INC, in general, but with a special focus on the role of the court system, through the application of judicial review and protection of human rights, to resolve not only disputes in litigations between private parties, but also to prevent the arbitrary exercise of the government power. b) The Structure of the Legal System (Court System) in Sudan under the INC The available literature presents different views as to the role of the court system in new democracies. On one hand, one view assumes that the courts have a fairly wide discretion to decide the outcome of the controversial cases to the needs of the political moment. The other view, on the other hand, takes the position that political actors do not exert any kind of influence at all on the way judges make their decisions. A third source, and with which I agree, argues that legal rules do put constrains over the exercise of the judicial discretion in controversial cases. A fourth view argues that in new fragile democracies constitutional courts/supreme courts should not be involved in judicial review, especially on adjudicating issues related to social and economic rights, which may profoundly affect the allocations of resources and violate the doctrine of separation of powers. In this respect, the study considers whether the court system, as restructured in the INC, and other constitutional guarantees introduced to the legal system as a whole, offer good prospects for constitutionalism that may control the power of the government so as not act arbitrarily. The role of court system in resolving disputes is highly contingent on the substantive law and the institutional structure within which the courts apply laws. Thus, this study examines to what extent the current structure of the legal system under the INC and the protection of human rights through the application of the Bill of Rights by the courts may signal the State's commitment to constitutionalism and respect to the rule of law. It is, therefore, that the role of the court system (in contributing to democratic transformation in Sudan) should be evaluated against the legal framework: that is the INC, with a focus on the independence of the judiciary, the application of the Bill of Rights and the rules governing the judicial review. c) The Legislative and Institutional Reforms under the INC The functions of the courts, in developing countries, have experienced increasingly transformative role as institutions that can hold the government organs accountable. The study aims to examine the practice of constitutionalism: that is, the implementation of the INC constitutional, institutional and legislative reforms, especially the compliance with the provisions of the INC and the CPA, in particular the role of the constitutional court as "a positive legislator". In this regard, the Sudanese Constitutional Court may play an important role in the law reform process given its power to annul laws found unconstitutional. This entails the non-applicability of such laws and, as a result, would compel the government institution/organ concerned to adopt new legislation that is in conformity with the INC. Thus far, the Sudanese constitutional court, under the INC, has received a number of human rights cases that involved issues related to violations of human rights or related to the constitutionality of key legislation, such as counter-terrorism laws, immunities for officials and statutes of limitation for torture. So what role the constitutional court has played in the law reform process under the INC? For the court system to play a role in the democratic reform, a comprehensive law reform process is seen as a prerequisite to bring the existing laws in line with the provisions of the INC and enacting new laws. Therefore, this study identifies what legislative and institutional reforms that have been undertaken by the parties to the CPA during the interim period to address human rights violations, root-causes of the conflict; inequality; marginalization, rule of law vacuum and weak democratic structures. Furthermore, this study offers empirical evidence for the judicial behavior of the Sudanese constitutional court through a systematic examination of selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court to gauge its role in the law reform process in Sudan since the adoption of the INC. Overview of the Study and the Main Findings of the Study Introductory Chapter: Overview of the Study The Introductory Chapter provides an overview of the study, including, the key features of the State of Sudan, the aim of the study, the main objectives of the study, and a general overview of the study. Chapter One: A Historical Background of Sudan's North-South Conflict Chapter One gives a rich and deep account of Sudan north-south conflict. It looks at the root-causes of the conflict by elaborating on different factors that directly and indirectly contributed in making that conflict protracted. Chapter one moves on to consider the end of the first Sudan's north-south conflict which was ended when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed in 1972. Chapter one further elaborates on Sudan's second north-south conflict which broke out in 1983. Finally, Chapter one touches on the various peace initiatives that ended by the conclusion of the CPA. Chapter One concludes by analysing the CPA. In the final analysis, the CPA made significant changes the prevailing governance and legal systems in Sudan by establishing a federal system, introduced a dual legal system a bill of rights, provided for the right to self-determination for the south Sudan, established institutions for the protection of human rights by establishing mechanisms such as National Human rights Commission, and distributed the wealth equally between the north and the south. However, the CPA failed to include the Sudanese people in the talks leading to the conclusion of the CPA, as the CPA was bilateral reflecting the views of the north and the south. Chapter Two: The Structure of the Governance System under the INC The INC describes Sudan as a decentralized State with different levels of government: the national level, the Southern Sudan level, the State level and the local level. It further grants the Southern Sudan autonomy status. A careful analysis of the current governance arrangements reveals that the INC provides for asymmetric/symmetrical federalism system of governance. Chapter Two discusses the allocation of legislative powers between the national government, the Southern Sudan and the rest of the country and the nature of the constitutional design of the INC to manage diversity of Sudan (ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity). At the outset of Chapter Three provides an overview the fundamental principles of federalism and provides a brief historical background of federalism in Sudan and how federalism arrangements can play a role as a tool for peace-building. In the final analysis, in contract with old constitutions of Sudan, the INC establishes a federal system, with four levels of government; national, south Sudan, State and local levels. The INC federal system guarantees the special characteristics of all ethnic and religious groups in Sudan through the creation of the Council of the States. However, all the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. All the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. The INC Schedules (A – C) distribute the exclusive and legislative powers to the national level (A), the GoSS level (B), and the state level (C). Schedule (D) lists the concurrent powers and Schedule (E) allocates the residual powers as per its nature. Schedule (F) is a provision to resolve conflict that might arise under Schedule (D). It should be noted that not all issues listed in the INC schedules are allocated to one level of government only. For example, several substantive issues are granted to the national level as an exclusive competence, to the South Sudan level as an exclusive competence and at the same time to all levels of government as a concurrent power, such as telecommunication. With regard to the legislative powers allocated to the tens states at the South level, the GoSS according to Schedule (B) has the competence to enact a kind of framework with regard to issues that fall under the exclusive South Sudan State competence, thereby limiting the legislative powers of the ten States in South Sudan. Finally, the INC has reinforced existing power relations and failed to provide structural changes for democratic transformation, as the INC asymmetrical federalism accommodates the demands of the South Sudan only. As the INC does not accommodate the demands of the different ethnic and cultural groups in the different regions of Sudan as demonstrated in Darfur Peace Agreement and East Sudan Agreement. Chapter Three: The Structure of the Legal System under the INC The INC altered the Sudanese legal system with a view to accommodating the competing views: Sharia law and secularism. For a proper understanding of the present Sudanese legal system and an assessment of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic governance, a glance at the Sudanese legal history is necessary. Firstly, Chapter Three reviews the constitutional developments in Sudan since the independence to the present day. Secondly, Chapter Three provides overview of the structure of the court system in a decentralized system and focuses on the contribution of the court system to democratic transformation through limiting the acts of the government. Chapter Three further discusses issues that may impact of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation. Yet, the role of the court system in promoting democratic transformation is contingent on the constitution, the substantive law, etc. For instance, instituting the principles of constitutionalism is contingent on the independence of the judiciary, as an independent judiciary is required for the protection of constitutional rights and to restrain the actions of the government. Thus, it is important to understand under what conditions the court system develops such accountability functions: that is, what conditions favor the ability of the court system to exercise an effective accountability functions. It is, therefore, Chapter Three examines (a) how the INC re-structures the court system in the north and the south of Sudan so as to give effect to the principles of the federalism and legal pluralism; (b) the rules regulating the judicial review, and (c) the protection of human rights through the implementation of the bill of rights by the court, all of which signal the commitment of the State to establish democratic governance. Finally, Chapter Three attempts to evaluate the independence of the judiciary and the rules that govern the judicial review before and after the adoption of the INC with a view to assessing the fidelity of the government to the principles of constitutionalism, and whether the limitations observed in the actual conduct of the government. In the final analysis, the INC constitution making process was bilateral reflecting the views of the parties to the CPA and lacked inclusiveness, but provides for a pluralism legal system by providing for a constitution for south Sudan and 25 State constitutions. The INC introduces State judiciary and South Sudan judiciary and opted for an integrated the court system. That is: the State courts apply the State laws, the national laws and the South Sudan laws. In the North, the State courts are still organized by the national level, although the NC provides for the establishment of the State judiciary. At the South Sudan level, all State courts are organized and financed at the level. Towards the South Sudan, the National Supreme Court is the final court of on matters arising under national laws The INC emphasizes the importance of protecting; respecting and promoting human rights through the inclusion a bill of right and incorporation via Art. 27(3) of the INC all human rights treaties that Sudan has ratified, thereby the human rights contained in the INC directly applicable before the Sudanese courts. Also, the implementation of some human rights requires revision of the existing statutory laws. To date there has been limited legislative reforms to address human rights violations. A few laws have been reformed but fall short of Sudan international obligations, such as Criminal Act, Security Laws, Immunity Laws, etc. The INC differentiates between the north and the south regarding the sources of legislation. Art. 5 of the INC lists Sharia as one of the sources of legislation along with the consensus of the people at the national level. Art. 5(2) of the INC names popular consensus and the values and the customs of the people of Sudan as the sources of legislation in South Sudan. The INC contains special rules for national legislation if its source is religion or custom. In that case, a state where the majority of residents do not practice such religion or customs may introduce different legislation allows practices or establishes institutions in that State that are consistent with its own religion or customs. The INC establishes human rights commission for the implementation of the bill of rights as well as a commission for the protection of non-Muslims in the Capital. The INC has chosen a concentrated system of judicial review and a hybrid system of judicial review with respect to the South Sudan as the Supreme Court of South Sudan acts as a constitutional court and a high court of Appeal with respect to South Sudan. The newly enacted Judicial and Administrative of 2005 does not provide for concrete judicial review of law and bars the court from question the constitutionality of law by way of making referral to the constitutional court, thereby renders the judiciary unable to deal with crucial constitutional issues. Chapter Four: Institutional and Legislative Reform: Practice of Constitutionalism In order to understand whether the adoption of the INC has brought any changes may enhance the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation; Chapter Four scrutinizes the compliance of the statutory law with the provisions of the INC, the law reform process in Sudan and the implementation of law in practice. Chapter Four further presents an analysis of more pertinent provisions of civil and political rights in the light of the laws and practices prevailing in the country to assess the extent to which the principles laid down in the INC are complied with. It further assesses the involvement of the Sudan constitutional court in the law reform process by reviewing a selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Finally, Chapter Four makes a reference to the jurisprudence of other constitutional courts (the German constitutional court, the Indian Supreme Court and the South African constitutional court) by way of comparison. In the final analysis, a) the INC does not set out procedure for concrete review and access to the court is not free; b) The court has a broad power to consider and adjudge and annual any law in contravention with the constitution and restitute the right to the aggrieved person and compensate for the harm. The court may also order interim measures to avoid any harm. As such, the court can abolish laws and compel the government to enact new law; c) the constitutional court has reviewed a number of cases that alleged the violation of human rights. The court has demonstrated reluctance to declare legislation unconstitutional. Interpretation of the bill of rights and reference to international human rights lacked consistency and the court has taken deference to the executive; d) the constitutional, legislative and institutional changes did not acknowledge past human rights violations through mechanisms that would question the way of governance and persisting inequalities and injustices; e) the constitutional court has institutional weaknesses and its jurisprudence has largely upheld existing laws such as immunities laws and the constitutional court made limited reference to international human rights law; f) the constitutional, legal and institutional reforms failed to generate the sense of constitutionalism and the fundamental change that were to remove the causes for human rights violations and provide effective remedies. A number of laws contravening the human rights are still in force, such as, Public Order Act, Immunity of police, security and army officers, inadequate laws for the protection of women's rights; and finally, the implementation of CPA as a means of democratic transformation left an unreformed government virtually intact Chapter Five: Post- Referendum Sudan Chapter Five looks at the constitutional developments after the secession of South Sudan, with a focus on constitution making process in Sudan. The Southern Sudan Referendum for self-determination, held in July 2011, clearly indicated that the absolute majority of those who participated in the referendum for the Southern Sudan favour separation of the Southern Sudan from Sudan. The secession of the South Sudan on July 9, 2011, as a result of the referendum on self-determination provided by the CPA has created a new reality in Sudan with far reaching economic, political and social implications. Economic and financial losses related to the secession are substantial and have affected all sectors of the economy. Sudan has lost three-quarters of its largest source of foreign exchange (oil), half of its fiscal revenues and about two-thirds of its international payment capacity. In general, the secession of South Sudan resulted in a 36.5% structural decrease in overall government revenues. The unresolved issue of Abyei constitutes a trigger for potential violent tension in the future between Sudan and South Susan. Abyei status is yet to be decided, as both Sudan and South Sudan claiming it as part of its territory. Its final status will be decided by a Referendum for which implementation mechanisms have not yet been agreed upon by the two countries. The end of the CPA necessitated a constitutional review process to decide on the new constitution to replace the INC. However, for a constitution to be able to win the affections of the citizens of the State, it will be necessary to involve those citizens in the constitution-making process that establishes such a constitution, so as to ensure that the process is inclusive and reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people at large. It is, therefore, important to increase public involvement in the constitution-making process by inviting public participation. In order for the design of a constitution and its constitution-making process to play an important role in the governance system, the design of the constitution has to be responsive to the aspirations of the ordinary people. A constitutional review process is currently under way but has not resulted in any clear proposals. That said, since 2011, a constitutional review has been underway in Sudan. The constitutional review process has not been participatory or inclusive. Lively debates on the new constitution in general, and the Bill of Rights and human rights protection in particular, have nevertheless ensued. These debates have been driven by a keen awareness of the importance of constitutional rights. These debates reflect both traditional concerns over the protection of civil and political rights, particularly in the administration of justice, and other issues that have also become a cause of acute concern. These include the desire for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of members of groups who suffer discrimination, particular women, religious and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities. Currently, public debate over the new constitution is proceeding, although the Government has not yet announced a timeframe for the constitution making process, amid a polarization of views on diverse issues such as the decentralization of power and wealth sharing between the different regions of Sudan. Since 2011, the Government of Sudan, in collaboration with the UNDP and other UN agencies, initiated the forum on public participation in constitution making to facilitate open and public dialogue. This approach has been based on the need to pursue the constitutional process/review inclusively, transparently and participatory to ensure all sectors of society including civil society organizations and opposition political groups participate fully in the process.
Maahanmuutosta ja monikulttuurisista yhteiskunnista keskustellaan kaikkialla läntisessä maailmassa. Globalisaation tuloksena ihmisten odotetaan liikkuvan paikasta toiseen enemmän ja nopeammin kuin koskaan. Samalla kun yksilöt, ryhmät ja ideat liikkuvat ja kohtaavat, yhteiskuntien vanhat ja olemassa olevat rakenteet tulevat haastetuiksi. Sosiaalinen epävarmuus johtaa usein kysymyksiin siitä, mikä jokin yhteiskunta itsessään on, mitkä sen perustavat tekijät ovat ja ketkä ovat sen jäseniä. Millaisia uusia jäseniä yhteiskuntaan hyväksytään ja millä ehdoilla? Kuinka suhtaudutaan olemassa oleviin vähemmistöihin? Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, kuinka suomalaiset ja alankomaalaiset ajanviete- ja järjestölehdet osallistuivat tähän keskusteluun vuosina 2003–2006. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan maahanmuuton ja etnisen moninaisuuden diskursseja sekä maahanmuuttajien ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluvien henkilöiden artikulaatioita yleisaikakauslehdissä Suomen Kuvalehti ja Elsevier, rakennusalan ammattiliittolehdissä Rakentaja ja FNV Bouw Magazine (Bouw), naistenlehdissä Me Naiset ja Libelle sekä seniorikansalaisten lehdissä ET ja Plus Magazine (Plus). Kirjoittaessaan näistä aiheista aikakauslehdet artikuloivat ihmisistä representaatioita, joihin sisältyy ajatus siitä, keitä he ovat ja millaisia ominaisuuksia heillä on. Nämä artikulaatiot tarjoavat maahanmuuttajille ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluville subjektipositioita, jotka ovat yhdistelmä teksteissä ihmisille määritettyjä identiteettikategorioita ja muita ominaisuuksia, jotka kertovat mihin ryhmään ihminen kuuluu. Aikakauslehdet eivät pelkästään pyri vahvistamaan kansallista yhteisöä, vaan lisäksi ja erityisesti lukijoiden muodostamaa yhteisöä. Aikakauslehdet rakentavat symbolisia yhteisöjä jotka voivat olla sisään- tai ulossulkevia suhteessa maahanmuuttajiin ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin. Tällä on todellista merkitystä teksteissä esitettyjen ihmisten kannalta, sillä median rooli on keskeinen siinä, kuinka näihin ihmisiin suhtaudutaan median ulkopuolella tapahtuvissa kohtaamisissa sekä julkisissa mielipiteissä. Suomi ja Alankomaat valittiin vertailun kohteeksi niiden yhtäläisyyksien vuoksi länsimaisina hyvinvointivaltioina, mutta etenkin johtuen niiden erilaisista maahanmuuttohistorioista. Alankomaat on ollut kaupan keskus ja maahanmuuton kohde kautta vuosisatojen. Se on vastaanottanut suuria maahanmuuttajaryhmiä 1950-luvulta lähtien ja on nykyisin yksi Euroopan monikulttuurisimpia maita. Suomessa on ajoittain ollut liikaväestöä työmahdollisuuksiin nähden, ja se on muuttunut maastamuuttomaasta varsinaiseksi maahanmuuttomaaksi vasta 1990-luvulta alkaen. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan maahanmuuton ja etnisen moninaisuuden diskursseja. Siinä kysytään, mitkä maahanmuuttaja- ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluvat toimijat ovat keskeisiä eri aikakauslehdille: keitä määritellään toimijoiksi ja miten? Millaisia subjektipositioita maahanmuuttajatoimijoille ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluville annetaan ja kuinka heidän subjektipositionsa ja sosiaalinen identiteettinsä artikuloidaan? Miten lukijat asemoidaan teksteissä suhteessa maahanmuuttajiin ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin? Lisäksi tutkimuksessa pyritään määrittämään, kenelle aikakauslehdet tarjoavat symbolisten ja todellisten yhteisöjen jäsenyyttä ja millä ehdoilla kontekstissa, joka ajoittain on kasvavan kriittinen monikulttuurisuutta kohtaan. Symboliset yhteisöt ovat yhteisöjä, joiden jäsenet eivät välttämättä tunne toisiaan. Siksi yhteisyys ja samanlaisuus jäsenten välillä on kuviteltava ja sitä on vahvistettava symbolisesti. Kansakunnat ovat symbolisia yhteisöjä samoin kuin mediayleisöt, ja niitä määritellään mediateksteissä. Tutkimuksessa kiinnitetään myös huomiota niihin vaihtoehtoihin, joilla etnistä moninaisuutta katsotaan yhteiskunnassa voitavan järjestää: vaihtoehtoisia diskursseja ovat universalismi, assimilaatio, multikulturalismi ja eriytyneisyys (segregaatio). Tutkimuksessa yhdistetään määrällisiä ja laadullisia tutkimusmenetelmiä. Kummassakin analyysimenetelmässä on lähtökohtana Laclaun ja Mouffen (1985/2001) diskurssiteoria. Määrällisen analyysin, joka lisäksi nojaa identiteettiteorioihin, tuloksia esitellään luvussa 4. Määrällinen analyysi tarjoaa yleiskuvan tutkimusmateriaalista ja sen sisällöstä, erityisesti tekstien toimijoista. Sen avulla tuotetaan alustava analyysi toimijoille teksteissä artikuloitavista subjektipositioista. Analyysi myös tarkentaa laadullisen analyysin kohteita. Määrällistä analyysia seuraavassa laadullisessa diskurssiteoreettisessa analyysissa luvussa 5 analysoidaan maahanmuuttoa ja etnistä moninaisuutta koskevia diskursiivisia kenttiä, diskursseja, subjektipositioita, toimijoiden välille luotavia hierarkioita ja symbolisia yhteisöjä eri lehdissä. Analyysia jatketaan johtopäätösluvussa 6. Määrällisen analyysin pohjalta voidaan todeta, että suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä kirjoitetaan maahanmuutosta ja etnisistä vähemmistöistä huomattavasti harvemmin kuin alankomaalaisissa lehdissä. Suomalaiset lehdet hyödynsivät henkilökohtaisempaa näkökulmaa asioihin, kun taas alankomaalaislehdet kirjoittivat suuremmista ryhmistä. Kaikilla lehdillä oli itselleen tyypillinen tapa esittää ja tarkastella maahanmuuttajia ja etnisiä vähemmistöjä. Yhdistelemällä eri muuttujia koskevia tuloksia voitiin määritellä maahanmuuttaja- ja etnisiin ryhmiin kuuluvien henkilöiden tyyppitapaukset eri lehdissä. Nämä tyyppitapaukset edustivat sellaisia ihmisiä ja aiheita, jotka olivat keskeisiä lehdelle ja sen lukijoille. Rakennusalan ammattiliittolehdissä maahanmuuttajan tyyppitapaus oli ulkomaalainen rakennustyöntekijä, joka joko oli tai ei ollut ammattiliiton jäsen. Naistenlehdissä sekä seniorilehdessä ET maahanmuuttajan tai etniseen vähemmistöön kuuluvan tyyppitapauksena oli suomalaisen tai hollantilaisen perheenjäsen, työkaveri tai muu läheinen. Yleisaikakauslehdessä Suomen Kuvalehti maahanmuuttajina esiintyivät menestyvät maahanmuuttajat ja asiantuntijat sekä maahan mahdollisesti tulossa olevat maahanmuuttajat. Alankomaalaisessa Elsevierissä ja seniorilehdessä Plus tyyppitapauksena oli alankomaalainen etnisten vähemmistöjen kategoria, allochtoon tai muslimit, tai yksittäinen samoja ryhmiä edustava asiantuntija. Rakennusalan ammattiliittolehtien diskursseissa maahanmuutto ja ulkomaalaiset rakennustyöntekijät artikuloitiin uhkaksi, liiton jäseninä tervetulleeksi joukoksi, tai niissä kannettiin huolta etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluvien henkilöiden työmarkkinaosallistumisesta. Universalismi artikuloitiin etnisen moninaisuuden järjestämisen vaihtoehdoksi. Naistenlehdissä ja ET¬-lehdessä artikuloitiin perheissä tapahtuvan kulttuurienvälisyyden, monikulttuurisen dialogin ja integraation, naiseuden juhlinnan ja henkilökohtaisten kokemusten juhlinnan diskurssit. Kaikissa diskursseissa artikuloitiin eri näkökulmista, kuinka ihmiset kohtaavat toisensa päivittäisessä elämässä ja kotoutuvat onnistuneesti. Diskurssit perustuivat enimmäkseen multikulturalistisiin näkemyksiin, mutta myös yhteiskunnallista osallistumista vaativaan universalismiin. Yleisaikakauslehdet ja seniorilehti Plus artikuloivat universalismin, assimilaation ja multikulturalismin diskurssit, joissa kaikissa otettiin erityinen näkökulma siihen, kuinka maahanmuuttajien ja etnisten vähemmistöjen tulisi kiinnittyä ja rakentaa siltoja yhteiskuntaan. Taloudellista osallistumista edellyttävää universalismia ja kulttuurista sulautumista vaativaa assimilaatiota painotettiin eniten. Eri lehdissä artikuloitujen diskurssien yhteenvetona voidaan todeta, että kaikki diskurssit perustuivat neljään eri tapaan artikuloida maahanmuutto ja etninen moninaisuus. Nämä aiheet ja ryhmät artikuloitiin uhkaksi, hyödykkeeksi, uhreiksi tai juhlinnan kohteiksi. Nämä artikulaatiot yhdistyivät erityisempiin maahanmuuttajien ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluvien subjektipositioiden artikulaatioihin. Niillä oli myös yhteys etnisen moninaisuuden järjestämistä ja symbolisia yhteisöjä koskeviin artikulaatioihin. Maahanmuuttajia ja etnisiä vähemmistöjä koskevat erityiset subjektipositiot muodostuivat teksteissä kolmesta elementistä, jotka ovat määräävässä asemassa sen suhteen, millaiseksi subjektipositio artikuloidaan. Ensimmäinen elementti määrittelee, ottaako artikulaatio kollektiivisen vai yksilöllisen näkökulman kohteena olevaan henkilöön. Toinen elementti määrittää missä määrin subjektipositio perustuu etniseen tai ei-etniseen identiteettikategoriaan. Kolmas elementti määrittää, esitetäänkö subjektipositio kuuluvaksi johonkin tiettyyn ryhmään vai sen ulkopuolelle. Nämä kolme elementtiä ovat siis 1) kollektiivinen–yksilöllinen, 2) etninen–ei-etninen ja 3) sisäpuoli–ulkopuoli. Nämä elementit muodostavat kahdeksan mahdollista yhdistelmää, ja elementtejä voidaan käyttää laajemminkin maahanmuuttajien ja etnisiin vähemmistöihin kuuluvien subjektipositioiden analysoimiseen mediateksteissä. Tutkimus osoittaa, että kaikkiaan uutisjournalismilla ja aikakauslehtijournalismilla on paljon yhteistä maahanmuuton ja etnisen moninaisuuden käsittelytavoissa. Tässä mielessä analysoidut aikakauslehdet olivat pikemminkin perinteisiä, eivätkä uutta luovia. Aikakauslehdissä näkyi kuitenkin selvemmin, että ne palvelevat kahta tarkoitusta kirjoittaessaan maahanmuutosta ja etnisestä moninaisuudesta. Yhtäältä aikakauslehdet artikuloivat lehdelle ja lukijoille tärkeän symbolisen yhteisön, mutta samalla ne myös artikuloivat kansallista yhteisöä. Nämä artikulaatiot esiintyivät rinnakkain, mutta jompaakumpaa niistä korostettiin. Rakennusalan ammattiliittolehdissä artikuloitiin ammattiliiton yhteisöä ja naistenlehdet korostivat naisten ja perheiden yhteisöjen artikulaatioita, kun taas yleisaikakauslehdet painottivat kansallista symbolista yhteisöä. Kaikki lehdet reflektoivat myös sitä symbolisen yhteisön kontekstia, jossa ne on tuotettu, eli tässä tapauksessa läntistä hyvinvointiyhteiskuntaa. Analysoidut aikakauslehdet osoittivat, että ne eivät ole pelkästään identiteettimedioita, jotka artikuloivat lukijoiden yhteisöjä, vaan myös poliittisia medioita, jotka käsittelevät yhteiskuntaa ja sen jäseniä laajassa mittakaavassa. Siksi maahanmuuttajien ja etnisen moninaisuuden artikulaatiot olivat myös osittain yhtenäisiä kaikissa lehdissä. Kaikilla lehdillä oli kuitenkin myös erityinen tapa lähestyä yhteiskunnallisia keskustelunaiheita, ja tämä tapa ei aina ollut sellainen kuin uutisjournalismissa. Aikakauslehdet myös tarjosivat tilaa henkilökohtaisille lähestymistavoille ja yksittäisille äänille. Suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä maahanmuutto ei vuosina 2003–2006 vielä ollut yhteiskunnallisesti kovin merkittävä aihe. Sitä käsiteltiin enimmäkseen yksittäisten henkilöiden kokemusten kautta tai tulevaisuuden ilmiönä. Alankomaalaiset aikakauslehdet kertoivat monikulttuurisuuden kriisistä, jonka osana käydään kiivasta keskustelua yhteiskunnan etnisestä moninaisuudesta ja kansakunnan yhtenäisyydestä. Etenkin muslimivähemmistöön kohdistui epäilyksiä. Suomalaisessakin keskustelussa oli viitteitä tästä eurooppalaisesta keskustelusta. Kaikkia suomalaisia ja alankomaalaisia artikulaatioita ja diskursseja yhdistää se, että ne rakentavat kuvaa yhteiskuntaa ja kansakuntaa koskevista sosiaalisista kuvitelmista ja myyteistä. Aikakauslehdet pyrkivät ylläpitämään kansakuntaa artikuloimalla symbolisia yhteisöjä, jotka enimmäkseen ovat avoimia vain niille maahanmuuttajille ja etnisille vähemmistöille, jotka ovat osoittautuneet eniten samankaltaisiksi "syntyperäisten" asukkaiden kanssa. Maahanmuuttajan tai etniseen vähemmistöön kuuluvan subjektipositio molemmissa maissa artikuloitiin jokseenkin ulkopuoliseksi. Suomalaisessa keskustelussa maahanmuuttajat eivät vielä "olleet perillä"; alankomaalaisessa keskustelussa etniset vähemmistöt olivat läsnä, mutta usein sijoitettuina yhteiskunnan laitamille. Kaikista voimakkain ja kattavin yhteiskunnallinen myytti, joka yhdisti suomalaisia ja alankomaalaisia diskursseja, oli läntisen hyvinvointivaltion myytti. Kaikki lehdet käsittelivät hyvinvointivaltiota ja sen perustuksia, ja maahanmuuttajat ja etniset vähemmistöt sekä heidän subjektipositionsa artikuloitiin suhteessa hyvinvointivaltioon. Suomalaisissa lehdissä tarve ylläpitää hyvinvointivaltiota tulevaisuudessa oli ratkaiseva sen suhteen, millaisia maahanmuuttajia ja maahanmuuttoa halutaan nyt ja tulevaisuudessa. Alankomaiden tapauksessa huoli murenevasta hyvinvointivaltiosta ohjasi diskursseja aikakauslehdissä. Uusliberaali markkinalogiikka, joka vaatii, että hyvinvointivaltion jokainen jäsen on tuottava, määritteli aikakauslehdissä, kenet voitiin hyväksyä kansakunnan symboliseen yhteisöön ja millä ehdoilla. Yksilöt olivat henkilökohtaisessa vastuussa täyttää nämä vaatimukset ja heidän arvonsa symbolisen, samoin kuin todellisten yhteisöjen jäsenenä riippui heidän kyvystään onnistua siinä. Ihmisten jäsenyys valtiossa ja yhteiskunnassa ei perustunut esimerkiksi kansalais- tai poliittisiin oikeuksiin, eikä edes sosiaalisiin oikeuksiin, vaan sosiaaliseen velvollisuuteen antaa tuottava panos: maahanmuuttajien ja etnisten vähemmistöjen tulee palvella hyvinvointivaltiota, ei päinvastoin. ; Immigration and multicultural societies are debated all over the Western world nowadays. As a result of globalisation people are expected to move more and faster than ever. At the same time, when actual individuals move and new groups of people and ideas encounter each other, the more the 'old' or the 'already existing' paradigms within a society are challenged. Within societies, this social insecurity most often leads to ponderings concerning the society itself: what are the constructions of the society and who are its members? Which new members is the society willing to let in and on what conditions? How is the society to treat those minorities already forming part of it? This research discusses how popular and organisational magazines in Finland and in the Netherlands are taking part in this debate in 2003–2006. Discourses of immigration and ethnic diversity and articulations of immigrants and people belonging to ethnic minorities in general news magazines Suomen Kuvalehti and Elsevier, construction trade union magazines Rakentaja and Bouw, women's magazines Me Naiset and Libelle and seniors' magazines ET and Plus Magazine are analysed. When writing about these issues, magazines are articulating representations of people, including ideas of who they are and what kind of qualities they have. These articulations offer subject positions to immigrant and ethnic minority actors: selections of socially defined identity categories and qualities that are ascribed to people in the texts and that carry an idea of to which group people belong. Magazines not only aim at strengthening a national community, but also or especially the community that consists of their readers. In so doing, magazine texts construct symbolic communities that can be inclusive or exclusive towards immigrants and ethnic minorities. This has real effects on the lives of the people, since the role of the media is important in how these people are treated in encounters outside the media, as well as in the wider public opinions on these groups. Finland and the Netherlands were chosen to be the objects of this comparison due to their similarities as Western welfare states, but even more so due to their different immigration histories. Through the centuries, the Netherlands has been a central location for commerce and a destination for migrations. It has received large groups of immigrants from the 1950s on, and today it is one of the most multicultural countries in Europe. Finland has at times had an excess of population in proportion to jobs available. Hence it has traditionally been a country of emigration and did not see any extensive migration until 1990s and onwards. The study investigates the discourses articulated around floating signifiers immigration and ethnic diversity. It asks which ethnic or immigrant actors are relevant for different magazines: who is defined as actors in magazine texts and how are they defined? What kind of subject positions are ethnic/immigrant actors given to and, how are their collective identities and subject positions articulated? How are readers in different magazines positioned in relation to immigrants and ethnic minorities? Yet another question in this study is to determine to whom membership of the symbolic and real communities is available in different magazines in Finnish and Dutch contexts, which at times grow increasingly critical towards diversity and multiculturalism, and to determine under what conditions membership is possible. Symbolic communities are communities, in which the members do not know each other personally. Therefore, the unity and similarity between the members has to be imagined and strengthened symbolically. Nations are symbolic communities, but so are also media audiences, and they are articulated in media texts. The study also pays attention to articulations of possible versions of organisation of ethnic diversity in society, alternative discourses being universalism, assimilation, multiculturalism or differentialism. In this research quantitative and qualitative methods are combined to answer the research questions set. In both methods of analysis Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory (1985/2001) was used as a starting point. The quantitative content analysis in Chapter 4 that furthermore derives from theoretical discussion of identities, provides a general overview of the research material and its contents, especially the actors represented, but also clarifies on which issues to concentrate in the qualitative discourse analysis. It is also an initial analysis of the subject positions articulated in the texts. In the thereafter following qualitative discourse theoretical analysis in Chapter 5 the discursive fields concerning immigration and ethnic diversity in the selected magazines, the discourses on these issues, and the subject positions articulated, hierarchies created and symbolic communities suggested in the magazine texts are analysed. This analysis is continued in Chapter 6. On the basis of the quantitative analysis, it can be said that Finnish magazines discuss immigration and ethnic minorities to a much lesser extent than Dutch magazines. The Finnish magazines used more a personal view on the issues, while the Dutch magazines were discussing larger groups. All the magazines analysed had a specific way of representing immigrants and ethnic minorities. By combining the results of the analysis of different variables, it was possible to characterise a 'typical representative' of an immigrant or ethnic actor in each of the magazines discussed. These typical representatives of immigrants and ethnic minority members represented the types of people and topics that were relevant to the magazine and its readers. The typical representative of an immigrant in the construction trade union magazines was a foreign construction worker, either a union-member or a non-union member. In the women's magazines and in seniors' magazine ET, the typical representative was a family member, a colleague or another close acquaintance of the Finnish or the Dutch. In general news magazine Suomen Kuvalehti the typical representative was a successful immigrant or a celebrated expert, or an immigrant who had not arrived in Finland yet. In general news magazine Elsevier and in seniors' magazine Plus, the typical representatives were the Dutch allochtoon or Muslim minority, and individual experts representing the same minorities. The discourses in the construction trade union magazines articulated immigration and foreign construction workers as a threat, as a welcome group in the labour union or they expressed a worry about the labour participation of ethnic minority members. Universalism was articulated as the option to organise ethnic diversity. The women's magazines and seniors' magazine ET articulated discourses on intercultural exchange in families, multicultural dialogue and integration, celebration of womanhood and celebration of personal histories. The discourses each articulated from a slightly different perspective how people encounter each other in real-life situations or integrate successfully. The discourses were based on multicultural views mostly, but also on universalism requiring societal participation. The news magazines and seniors' magazine Plus Magazine articulated discourses of universalism, assimilation and multiculturalism, all with a specific view on bonding and bridging of immigrants and ethnic minorities within a society. Universalism insisting on economic bridging and assimilation requiring cultural bonding were stressed the most. To summarise the discourses articulated in different magazines, it can be concluded that all the discourses were based on four different articulations of immigration and ethnic diversity. These issues and the groups involved were articulated as a threat, as a utility, as victims or as objects of celebration. These articulations were connected to the articulations of the specific subject positions of immigrants and ethnic minorities in each case. They also had a connection with articulations on the options of organisation of an ethnically diverse society, and with that, the articulation of symbolic communities. The specific subject positions articulated on immigrants and ethnic minorities included three elements that play a decisive role in the overall composition of the subject position. One element in the articulations defines whether the articulation takes a collective or individual approach to the person in question, the second element whether and to what extent a subject position includes dominantly an ethnic identity or a non-ethnicity-based identity categorisation, and the third whether the subject position under articulation is represented as belonging to a certain inside group or being on the outside. The three elements are then 1) collective-individual, 2) ethnicity-non-ethnicity and 3) inside-outside. These elements that make eight possible combinations can be further used to analyse the subject positions of immigrants and ethnic minority members in media texts. This research shows that, all in all, news journalism and magazine journalism share many similarities in terms of issues and views on immigration and ethnic diversity. In that the magazines were rather traditional instead of innovative or daring. What however is clearer in magazine journalism than in news is that magazines serve two purposes when they write about immigration and ethnic diversity. On one hand, the magazines articulated a symbolic in-community that is important to the magazine and its readers, but, at the same time, they also articulated the national community at large. The articulations of the symbolic communities of the readerships and the national community existed side-by-side, but one of them was stressed above the other. In case of the construction trade union magazines, it was most of all the community of the trade union that was articulated, and the women's magazines stressed an articulation of the community of women (and families), whereas the general news magazines highlighted the national symbolic community. All the magazines also reflected the context of the symbolic community within which they had been produced, in these cases, the societies that are Western welfare states. The magazines analysed here show that they are not merely identity media, articulating only an in-community of readers, but also political media, discussing society and the groups living in it on a large scale. Therefore, all the magazines also shared similar articulations on the issues of immigration and ethnic diversity. All the magazines, however, also had a specific way of approaching societal debates, and it was not always the way that we are used to seeing in news journalism. The magazines also offered spaces for personal approaches and voices. In 2003–2006, immigration was still a relatively minor phenomenon in the Finnish magazines. When immigration was discussed, it was mostly through experiences of individuals or as a future scenario. The Dutch magazines were discussing the crisis of multiculturalism, including a heated debate on ethnic diversity in the society and national cohesion. Especially the loyalty of the Muslim minority was questioned. The Finnish discussion also showed influences from this European debate. What combines the discourses and articulations in all the magazines in Finland and in the Netherlands is that they all contribute to social imaginaries and myths about the nation and the society. The magazines were striving to maintain the nation by articulating symbolic communities that mostly were open to those immigrants and ethnic minorities only that had proven the most similar to the 'native' inhabitants. The subject position of an immigrant or a member of an ethnic minority was in both countries articulated to be somewhat on the outside. In the Finnish discussions, the immigrants were 'not really there yet'; in the Dutch discussion, the ethnic minorities were present but they were often located on the outskirts of society. The strongest and most over-arching societal myth that combined the Finnish and Dutch discourses was the myth of a Western welfare state. In all the magazines, the welfare state and its premises were reflected and immigrants and ethnic minorities and their subject positions were articulated in relation to the welfare state. In Finland the need to maintain the welfare state in the future was decisive on what kind of immigrants and immigration was desired now and in the future. In the Dutch case, the worry for the failing welfare state guided the discourses in the magazines. The neoliberal market logic that requires that each member of a welfare state is a productive member defined who can be accepted in the symbolic community of the nation and society and on which terms. People were individually responsible to fulfil the requirements and their value as a member of the symbolic, as well as the actual, community depended on their ability to do so. People's membership in the state and the society was not based on civil or political rights, and not even on social rights, but on a social responsibility to contribute in ways deemed productive: immigrants and ethnic minorities needed to serve the welfare state, not the opposite.
