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Debates about globalization have centered on calls to improve accountability to limit abuses of power in world politics. How should we think about global accountability in the absence of global democracy? Who should hold whom to account and according to what standards? Thinking clearly about these questions requires recognizing a distinction, evident in theories of accountability at the nation-state level, between "participation" and "delegation" models of accountability. The distinction helps to explain why accountability is so problematic at the global level and to clarify alternative possibilities for pragmatic improvements in accountability mechanisms globally. We identify seven types of accountability mechanisms and consider their applicability to states, NGOs, multilateral organizations, multinational corporations, and transgovernmental networks. By disaggregating the problem in this way, we hope to identify opportunities for improving protections against abuses of power at the global level.

Nationalist politics is widely recognized as a key site for the articulation, legitimation, and propagation of a national view of the world. But the effectiveness of nationalist politics in advancing this view ultimately rests upon the uses ordinary people make of it. Popular reception, however, is more often assumed than specified in the literature on nationalism. In this article, I identify the ways in which Romanian and Hungarian university students in the ethnically mixed town of Cluj, Romania, consume and engage—and deflect and ignore—nationalist politics. I examine the ways the students talk (and do not talk) about three hotly contested political matters: the debate over an independent Hungarian university in Cluj, the politics of the city's ultranationalist Romanian mayor, and the Romanian presidential elections of 2000. I show that the students can reproduce the nationally polarized terms of debate in response to survey questions. In the course of their everyday lives, however, there are few occasions in which they engage such issues. Instead, the students' apathy and disdain for politics in general precludes meaningful engagement of the issues in national or other terms. Nationalist politics misses its mark.

Prevailing views of impartiality in law fail to see the important contributions that properly structured sentiments can make to the impartial deliberation of jurors. This article suggests a new approach to impartial judgment and new criteria for the impartial juror. Central to this account is a normative theory of empathy as the legally appropriate communication of sentiments that are democratically endorsable. The cultivation of the requisite empathy calls not only for revisions to the jury system but also for the right political institutions and for a public culture of civic engagement and democratic contestation.

This text describes and analyses the major transformations of southern politics of the past half century that have had a profound impact on national politics and government. Beginning with the tumultuous events of 1968 and Richard Nixon's 'southern strategy', the authors show how, over the next half century, the South has been transformed by massive changes in demographics, race, partisanship, and by growing religious conservative activism, culminating in both rising progressive Democratic Party gains in some southern states and also the unlikely election of Donald J. Trump as president with near solid southern support.

"Politics is, at its core, a kind of activity, a particular type of doing. It comprises a distinctive and varied repertoire of human practices that we regularly characterize as political and that we think of as somehow defining the essence of public life. One might say that specific forms of political engagement are to politics as batting, throwing, catching and running are to baseball. They constitute, in effect, the sum and substance of the enterprise"--

Abstract
How does government involvement in religion affect media freedom? One of the primary roles of independent news media is to hold government accountable, but will governments with official policies for or against religion accept this check on power? This study investigates the effect of government involvement in religion on media freedom. Previous empirical studies have shown that authoritarian regimes may tolerate free media in order to remain informed about lower level bureaucratic performance and potential rebellion, but we hypothesize that states with greater involvement in religion are more likely to control news media because freedom of the press may be seen as a political threat to their ideological authority. Using a multimethod approach, we test our hypothesis with a statistical analysis across countries from 1991 to 2014. We find that government involvement in religion does have a negative effect on media freedom. We then put these findings in context with a case illustration of the changes in media freedom in Greece, a democracy with a high level of government support for religion.

Hollywood celebrities are fighting for the rights of all women -- Deborah shaw -- Celebrities getting political : nothing new about that / Seth Masket -- Do celebrity endorsements make a difference in US presidential elections? / Nives Zubcevic-Basic -- The early days of celebrities and politics / Brian Cowan -- Voters in the US like the idea of celebrities running for office / Natalie Zarrelli -- Does the First Amendment protect political protest by celebrities? / Shontavia Johnson -- Well-meaning celebrities do more harm than good with their humanitarian campaigns / Andres Jimenez -- No more celebrities as presidential hopefuls / Laura Beck -- Does the media play a significant role in elections? / Jonathan Stray -- Was the 2016 US election an outlier? / Danielle Kurtzleben -- Because of the media, too much coverage is given to celebrities / Pew Research Center -- Athletes should focus on sports, not politics / David French -- Should athletes speak out? / GLOBSEC -- Sports, like politics, should be a force for good / Benjie Goodhart.

Introduction -- Project gender : identity/ies in flux -- The body in question : less than the sum of our parts -- Sexymedia : the pornographication of popular culture or just a bit of slap and tickle? -- Women in/and news : the invisible and the profane -- Gender@internet -- Endpoint

Writer Walter Isaacson grew up in a family full of engineers and spent his spare time making radios and televisions sets. While he became a journalist and author instead, his interest in technology and science remained and has informed his selection of biography subjects, from Albert Einstein to Steve Jobs. Walter joined David to talk about his latest biography on Elon Musk and Musk's "epic hero visions of himself," his technological genius, how Musk's father's treatment of him affected his personality, the openness and transparency Musk allowed Isaacson, and criticism Isaacson received for getting too close to Musk during the writing of his book, "Elon Musk."To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

The study of communication begins with the separation between philosophy and rhetoric, that is, between the content of a message and its persuasive effect. Prior to the separation between a truth-content and a persuasive effect, an expression is an event that both establishes a truth and provokes an effect. In such a condition there is no concept of a medium of communication but only a meaningful and effective world constructed through events. The separation between philosophy and rhetoric divides truth from politics and sets up a long history of their conflict. The convergence of philosophy and rhetoric in the twentieth century signifies the event whereby this separation is being re-encountered and shifted. Understanding this event is the first step toward encountering the coming event of the media world.

The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) is located in a fortified compound in central Freetown. Inside its militarised space a project of global significance is unfolding. Together with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and the International Criminal Court, the SCSL is an experiment in bringing the rule of international law and governance to regions recently destabilised by war and conflict.