Suchergebnisse

This paper considers the political significance of the attitudes of the people on Taiwan toward unification and independence, drawing implications for cross-Strait relations. The opinion pattern displayed by the people of Taiwan on the independence/unification issue appears on the surface to remain stable over time. Classifying people according to the underlying forces that effect their attitudes on the issue, however, reveals that the number of people taking a rational approach - i.e., basing their decisions on the direction of the changing environment - has increased. At the same time, the number of respondents affectively supporting unification has decreased while those affectively supporting independence have increased. These evolving opinion patterns set the boundaries for Taiwan's cross-Strait policies and national identity issues. This article discusses the political implications that these attitudes have for domestic politics as well as cross-Strait relations. (Issues Stud/DÜI)

Compares opinions and attitudes toward foreign policy issues; based on a survey of 73 American subscribers to the academic journal International Security and 71 Russians in occupations which include academic faculty, policy analysis, diplomacy, and journalism.

Durante la administración de Vicente Fox, las relaciones entre México y la Unión Europea pasaron de un inicio eufórico a la decepción. Los cambios en la política exterior de México del nuevo gobierno no tuvieron el sustento institucional necesario en el ámbito interno. A pesar del énfasis en los derechos humanos a nivel internacional, éstos seguían violándose a nivel local. El comercio y las inversiones no despegaron hasta 2004 y la cooperación fue aceptable, aunque no óptima. No obstante estas dificultades, la relación se mantuvo en marcha gracias al andamiaje institucional provisto por el Acuerdo de Asociación México-Unión Europea. Los contactos se volvieron más rutinarios y numerosos, y creció el número de actores involucrados, con lo que también aumentó el espacio tanto para la cooperación, como para las desavenencias. ; During the Fox administration, relations between Mexico and the European Union started with euphoria, but went stale over time. The changes in the Mexican foreign policy of the new government did not get the institutional support they needed at the domestic level. Despite the international emphasis on Human Rights, these were still violated at the domestic level. Trade and investemnt rates did not grow significantly until 2004 and the level of cooperation was acceptable, but not optimal. However, the relationship stayed alive due to the institutional setting created by the European Union Association Agreement with Mexico. The interactions between both sides became more frequent, the number of actors involved also increased and this led to a growing space for cooperation and disagreements.

Offizieller Standpunkt von Staaten/Staatengruppen

Although US leaders have long regarded Turkey as a crucial strategic ally, relations between Ankara and Washington have been deteriorating for years. Domestic changes in Turkey, especially the decline of secular forces, account for some of that estrangement but fundamental disagreements about international issues are a more important cause. The United States and Turkey differ sharply about policy regarding Iraq, Iran, the Israeli-Arab conflict, and other matters. In addition to disagreements about those specific issues, Turkish leaders increasingly view the United States as a reckless, destabilizing power in the Middle East rather than a cautious, stabilizing power. Given that perspective, the estrangement between the two countries is unlikely to diminish in the foreseeable future.

This article seeks to develop a distinction between emerging & traditional middle powers as a means to giving the concept of a middle power greater analytical clarity. All middle powers display foreign policy behavior that stabilizes & legitimizes the global order, typically through multilateral & cooperative initiatives. However, emerging & traditional middle powers can be distinguished in terms of their mutually-influencing constitutive & behavioral differences. Constitutively, traditional middle powers are wealthy, stable, egalitarian, social democratic & not regionally influential. Behaviorally, they exhibit a weak & ambivalent regional orientation, constructing identities distinct from powerful states in their regions & offer appeasing concessions to pressures for global reform. Emerging middle powers by contrast are semi-peripheral, materially inegalitarian, & recently democratized states that demonstrate much regional influence & self-association. Behaviorally, they opt for reformist & not radical global change, exhibit a strong regional orientation favoring regional integration but seek also to construct identities distinct from those of the weak states in their region. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

This article interprets the ideational underpinnings of the British Conservative–Liberal coalition government's foreign policy from 2010 to 2015. It uses qualitative discourse analysis of speeches, statements and policy documents to unpack the traditions of foreign policy thought which informed some of the key foreign policy practices of the coalition government. The analysis centres on the British identity constructed by liberal Conservatives, and the values and interests flowing from this baseline identity that the government's foreign policy sought to express through its foreign policy. Liberal Conservative foreign policy is argued to have been an attempt to come to terms with the limits on Britain's international agency in the face of three major foreign policy dilemmas: the legacy of the New Labour years, dramatically reduced economic resources in the 'age of austerity' and an increasingly restricted capacity for Britain to exercise ideational entrepreneurship in the international community. The article substantiates the claim in the extant literature that liberal Conservatism significantly adapted but did not restructure an established British foreign policy tradition of merging values and interests in complex ways.

Redefines the margin of maneuverability in foreign policy available to the leader of a small country; based on foreign policy in the administrations of Arias Sánchez and Rafael Angel Calderón Fournier, 1986-94; Costa Rica.