Suchergebnisse

Since the 1990s, forest governance is increasingly inserted into globalization processes in the framework of international policies aiming at reducing deforestation, conserving biodiversity and fighting climate change. Facing these issues and the relative absence of local communities into international arenas, community forestry organizations created national and transnational networks. An example of such networks is the Mesoamerican alliance of people and forests (AMPB), created in 2010 and gathering at the same time indigenous peoples and forest communities. One of its main challenges is the construction of common claims among highly heterogeneous actors with often opposed traditions, especially regarding the issue of biodiversity. To what extent transnational community networks contribute to articulate biodiversity scales? Based on a discursive analysis, this paper studies how AMPB's leaders articulate the diversity of representations on biodiversity among its members through the transnational harmonization of community and territorial forest management practices. The analysis is based on direct observations led in Mexico, Guatemala and Peru, and semi-structured interviews with AMPB's leaders and partners. This paper seeks to renew the debate around the place of biodiversity in environmental governance as an integration tool in the light of a new actor, transnational community networks. It aims at bringing a renewed perspective on the possible articulations between biodiversity scales, actors and sectors. ; Depuis les années1990, la gouvernance des forêts fait l'objet d'une globalisation croissante dans le cadre des politiques internationales de réduction de la déforestation, puis de conservation de la biodiversité et de lutte contre le changement climatique. Face à ces enjeux et à la relative absence des communautés locales au sein des arènes internationales, des organisations communautaires forestières se sont regroupées sous forme de réseaux nationaux et transnationaux. C'est le cas de l'Alliance mésoaméricaine des peuples et forêts (AMPB), réseau créé en 2010 qui regroupe à la fois des peuples autochtones et des communautés forestières. L'un de ses principaux défis est la construction de revendications communes parmi des acteurs hétérogènes aux traditions parfois opposées, notamment concernant l'enjeu de la biodiversité. Dans quelle mesure les réseaux transnationaux communautaires contribuent-ils à articuler les échelles de la biodiversité? À travers une analyse discursive, cet article étudie comment les leaders de l'AMPB intègrent la diversité des représentations sur la biodiversité parmi ses membres par l'harmonisation transnationale des pratiques de gestion forestière communautaire et territoriale. L'analyse repose sur la réalisation d'observations directes au Mexique, Guatemala et Pérou, et d'entretiens semi-directifs avec les représentants de l'AMPB et ses alliés. Cet article tente de renouveler le débat sur la place de la biodiversité au sein de la gouvernance environnementale en tant qu'outil d'intégration au prisme d'un nouvel acteur: les réseaux transnationaux communautaires. Il vise à porter un regard nouveau sur les possibles articulations entre échelles, acteurs et secteurs de la biodiversité.

In this study, I will explore the ways in which Nadine Gordimer engages with the natural world in three of her novels: The Conservationist (1974), July's People (1981), and No Time Like the Present (2012). I argue for the importance of the relationship in her work, between the natural landscapes of South Africa and the responsibility of the author in 'meaning-making:' this is a literary study that brings elements of postcolonial ecocriticism into play. In particular, I will explore how and why she chooses to "speak of trees" at all. Gordimer demonstrates that there is a definitive agency in the non!human world that presses against the reductive binary of 'human' versus 'natural' environments. Her fiction highlights the fact that flattening the natural world into a series of symbols is overly simplistic and does not engage sufficiently with the political: a responsibility that she takes upon herself. In this study I will be arguing that Gordimer achieves a profound political meditation by creating meaning from a variety of natural landscapes, making use of images rather than symbols. I am particularly intrigued by the ways in which Gordimer imagines the landscape as a series of sign systems, whose various shifts and changes reflect and illustrate wider systemic shifts in South Africa. In the novels that I will examine, Gordimer demonstrates, by way of physical, visceral engagement with various landscapes, that historical and contemporary systemic shifts must be taken into account in order truly to understand the complexity of national identities in her country. The image of the trees ties poetry, politics and the environment together, in particular to witness a distinctive shift in political sign systems, and the identity crises that occur as a result. In The Conservationist, Gordimer takes issue with misplaced obsessions with autochthony and heritage, whilst simultaneously investing in the lexical field of botanical names and a fine delineation of literary ecology: the novel both takes apart and preserves a sense of how the landscape can be entwined in a cultivation of identity. In my examination of July's People, I will consider the matter and poetics of the interregnum via the question of "the bush": the environment, landscape and ecosystem contained or in fact uncontained by this term are at the heart of the shift in sign systems that plays out in the novel. The bush in July's People is a heterotopia: an 'other' place that signifies many different meanings, but simultaneously signifies, in the novel, a shift in an entire system of signs. In my final chapter, on No Time Like the Present, I will be continuing to examine the 'language' of trees in Gordimer's work! particularly noting the terminology of trees and plants to signify, and add value to the study of identity and the indigenous versus the alien

La llamada Conquista del Desierto es uno de los momentos más trascedentes de la historia argentina. Las discusiones sobre el tema son abundantes en la literatura histórica, como así también los abordajes sobre los títulos jurídicos que legitimarían la toma del espacio patagónico por parte del Estado nacional. No obstante, resta todavía una indagación en profundidad sobre el problema filosófico-jurídico y filosófico-político de la toma del desierto. Según nuestra hipótesis, un análisis a partir del pensamiento de Carl Schmitt y Giorgio Agamben permite comprender mejor el fenómeno. La Conquista del Desierto puede leerse como paradigma del proceso de toma, partición y aprovechamiento de la tierra descripto por Schmitt como actos básicos para la fundación del derecho. A su vez, el pensamiento de Agamben permite abordar la posición del indígena en el proceso de disciplinamiento e incorporación al espacio de normalidad del flamante Estado-nación argentino. ; A chamada "Conquista do Deserto" é um dos momentos mais transcendentes e controvertidos da história argentina. As discussões sobre o tema são abundantes na literatura, como também as abordagens sobre os títulos jurídicos que legitimariam a tomada do espaço patagônico por parte do Estado nacional. No entanto, resta ainda uma indagação em profundidade sobre o problema filosófico jurídico e filosófico-político da tomada do deserto. Segundo a nossa hipótese, uma análise a partir do pensamento de Carl Schmitt e Giorgio Agamben permite compreender melhor o fenômeno. A conquista do Deserto pode ler-se como paradigma do processo de tomada, partição e aproveitamento da terra descrito por Schmitt como atos básicos para a fundação do direito. Na sua vez, o pensamento de Agamben permite abordar a posição do indígena no processo de disciplinamento e incorporação forçosa ao espaço de normalidade do novo Estado moderno argentino ; The so-call "Conquista del Desierto" ("Conquest of the Desert") is one of the most important and controversial points in the history of Argentina. Debates on the subject are abundant in literature, as well as a large number of juridical studies on the legal justification of the conquest of Patagonia by the argentine Nation-State. However, an analysis with a legal and political philosophy perspective on the conquest of the desert is still missing. According to our hypothesis, an analysis under the thoughts of Giorgio Agamben and Carl Schmitt permits a better comprehension of the phenomenon. The "Conquest of the Desert" can be seen as a paradigm of the land taking, partition and exploitation described by Schmitt as a foundation of law. At the same time, the works of Agamben allow the approach the position of the indigenous people in the process of discipline and forcible incorporation to the space of normality in the brand-new argentine Nation-State.

У статті висвітлено суспільно-політичні умови діяльності пролетарських освітньо-просвітницьких організацій у 20-ті рр. ХХ ст., зокрема в розрізі національного питання, а саме дослідження політичних засад щодо статусу української мови й культури. Це питання стало визначальним у діяльності Пролеткульту в Україні – культурно-просвітницької та літературно-художньої організації пролетарської самодіяльності при Наркомосі, яка мала за мету широкий і всебічний розвиток пролетарської культури самим пролетаріатом. На відміну від Росії, пролеткультівські організації в Україні не набули значного поширення та припинили своє існування з огляду на неврахування національної мови й культури, а також обмеженим доступом селян, як корінного населення, але непролетарського походження. ; Modern social changes require a detailed, critical rethinking of the experience of previous generations. Special attention needs an objective study of the history of Russian-Ukrainian relations that will determine the cause's confusion in the historical context to establish the relationship and ensuring peace in the geopolitical space. The 20-30-s of the XX-th century were of great interest because this was the period of intense cultural development with the trend to democracy, creativity, diversity, while it remains tendentious shown from the standpoint of the official Soviet pedagogy as a complex and ambiguous process of artificial increase of the result beforehand. The article highlights the social and political conditions of proletarian educational organizations in the 20-s of the XX-th century especially in the context of the national question, namely the research of the political principles on the status of the Ukrainian language and culture. This question was crucial in the activity of Proletcult in Ukraine – a cultural and literary and artistic performance in the proletarian organization of Commissariat, which had the goal of broad and comprehensive development of proletarian culture by the proletariat. Unlike Russia Proletcult organizations in Ukraine have not received a significant distribution and ceased to exist due to the neglect of the national language and culture as well as restricted farmers, as indigenous people, but the non-proletarian origin. Thus, the question of the Ukrainian language was crucial in establishing Proletcult in Ukraine. Guided by the platform and the All-Russian conference of cultural and educational organizations, focusing on the creation of proletarian culture as a non-national-international phenomenon Proletcult was opposition against the rise of the national liberation movement, the surge of national consciousness. Along with the official policy of the Soviet government and the Communist Party on the Ukrainian issue Proletcult organizations did not stand the pressure of the existing conditions of the national liberation struggle, didn't find the supporters among local scientists, artists and public figures. Attention should be taken to the fact that in the Presidency and the Ukrainian Council of Proletcult there were mostly Russian officials who determined the content of the Ukrainian organization.

На примере васюганских хантов показывается, как этническая группа может исчезнуть, а затем снова появиться в локальных дискурсах, т.е. как аборигенное население может затеряться между социально-бытовым и этническим дискурсами. На протяжении прошлого века васюганские ханты сначала маргинализировались, а затем из бытовой группы без какого-либо политического, культурного и хозяйственного веса они превратились в этническую группу, обладающую весьма серьезным потенциалом. Процесс развивается в двух неразрывно связанных друг с другом направлениях в направлении патримонизации и травматизации. ; The topic of my presentation covers the public discourses about the Vasyugan Khanties living in the territory of the Tomsk Oblast'. The Khanties are not visible in the public sphere of the oblast'. The official and popular memory which must not be mixed up with the forums of the historical sciences only mentions archeological cultures as precedents to "real" Russian history. Why are the indigenous people, the Khanties so hidden? There are at least two possible answers. First, there is a lack of exoticism as another cause for their invisibility: the prototype of "Siberianism", of "aboriginality" was and is embodied for the majority in both high literature and popular culture by the Khanties of the KhMAO and the Evenki. Thirdly in the memory of the okrug the key role is played by the deportations, the modern self-image of the region is being developed along repression process. In the "master narrative" of the deportations natives have no place: they would apparently lose the sense or significance of their suffering, if they acknowledged that before them the place had already been civilized, humanized. The concept of Khanties in local public discourse makes it hard for the Khanties to acknowledge their Khanty identity and to integrate the Khanty memories into a common collective remembrance. The population of the oblast' conceive of the Khanties as a special social group distinguished by their way of life, and not as an ethnic group. This conception has elements of neutral value such as the view on their close attachment to the forest and the taiga. The negative connotations associated with the "Khanty" as a life-style community are stronger, envisaging them as members of a poverty culture, in most cases a marginalized, lumpenized culture. The Vasyugan Khanties epitomize how an ethnic group can become invisible, then visible again in the local discourse; how natives can be lost tossed between life-style and ethnic discourses. From a marginalized life-style group without political, cultural and economic potential the Vasyugan Khanties have become an ethnic group of considerable potential upon the deliberate or unintentional, direct or indirect influence of the scholarly sphere and some individual researchers. The process is going on along two inseparable lines, patrimonization and traumatization.

As of February 2016, the Zika virus is present in over 20 countries in the Western hemisphere, including many countries housing volunteers from the United States. While initially known to cause physical symptoms similar to those of dengue and chikungunya; Zika has also been associated with a significant rise in the number of babies born with microcephaly, other neurological disorders, and has been declared a global health emergency by the World Health Organization (Peterson et al., 2016). The association and significant increase of microcephaly in areas where Zika is now endemic demands the attention of health authorities (Martinez-Pulgarin et al., 2015 and Rodriguez & Alfonzo, 2016). The virus is known to be transmitted by several Aedes species of mosquitos, although sexual intercourse, perinatal spread and blood transfusions have also been described as additional means of transmission (Martinez-Pulgarin et al., 2015). Health warnings caution pregnant women to avoid travel to countries with Zika due to possible occurrence of infection. In the specific cases of Zika in Brazil, the increase in congenital microcephaly cases observed during the last few months have raised a profound concern for all other countries where this arbovirus has appeared and where conditions for transmission are favorable (Rodrigues-Morales & Alfonzo, 2016). Because of this, the Center for Disease Control (CDC) has developed interim guidelines for health care providers in the United States who care for infants born to mothers who traveled to or resided in an area with Zika virus transmission during pregnancy, (Staples et al., 2016). For volunteers working abroad or individuals in the foreign service, how can the use of SMART Goals (Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Results-focused, and Time- bound) allow these individuals to facilitate Zika crisis interventions? In this poster, the country of Guatemala will be used as a case study. In a 2006 study by Shiftman and Valle, it was found that several factors put pregnant women at risk in Guatemala. A turbulent political history with marginalized indigenous populations in the presence of a conservative Catholic Church milieu, all play a role in marginalizing women's reproductive health. These three factors also account for Guatemala's increased mortality of mothers when compared with neighboring Honduras (Shiftman & Valle,2006). With these risk factors already in place, there seems to be an unmet need for Zika virus screening in the region. Volunteers in the area will need a broad range of culturally sensitive strategies to effectively create an intervention. All of the risk factors described above must be addressed by increasing education and awareness within communities, and the volunteers facilitating this work must avoid infection themselves. This review assesses the use of SMART goals applied within a proposed intervention to theoretically assess the Zika presence and threat within Guatemala.

AbstrakBerangkat dari Nawa Cita ketiga yaitu "membangun Indonesia dari pinggiran dengan memperkuat daerah-daerah dan desa dalam kerangka Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia" dan kesadaran untuk melaksanakan amanat Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui pengakuan hak atas asal usul masyarakat desa serta melihat peta keragaman kesiapan kelembagaan desa dan fisibilitas mengenai pengelolaan dana desa, dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Dari data lapangan dapat disimpulkan bahwa Undang-Undang No.6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa berupaya mengkoreksi kesalahan-kesalahan Negara dalam mengatur desa dan masyarakat hukum adat. Undang-Undang desa ingin mengembalikan hak asal usul yang melekat pada desa adat untuk mengurus kehidupan masyarakat hukum adat dan pengurusan wilayah masyarakat hukum adatnya (hak ulayat). Negara perlu memberikan sarana dan prasarana kepada setiap lembaga adat agar lembaga adat dalam mengelola masyarakat adat serta adat istiadatnya dapat berjalan dengan baik. Untuk itu, perlu ada payung hukum untuk menampung keistimewaan desa adat dibeberapa daerah. Selain itu juga, perlu diatur secara khusus didalam peraturan perundang-undangan mengenai penetapan anggaran khusus terhadap lembaga-lembaga adat, sehingga lambat laun keberadaan lembaga adat ini tidak akan hilang.Kata kunci: Revitalisasi, Pemerintahan Desa, Sumatera Barat.AbstractBased on the third Nawa Cita it is "to build Indonesia by strengthening areas and villages within the framework of The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia" and awareness to implement the Act No. 6 2014 about Village. The purpose of this research is to know the recognition of the origin of rural community rights and to look at the map of the diversity of Village institutional readiness and feasibility on the village funds management, by using the qualitative method. From the data the field we can conclude that the act of no.6 year 2014 village about trying to emend state mistakes in regulating village and community adat law.The act of village want to restore the right of the origin of attached to customary village to take care of the lives of the customary law and management of the region of law community custom (unalienated rights). The state needs to give of facilities and infrastructure to every customary institutions that create a conducive customary in managing indigenous people as well as customary to take place. For that, there should be a legal framework for accommodate village customary privileges of several regions .It is also, needs to be regulated specifically in the legislation regarding the stipulation of a special budget against customary institutions, so which gradually customary the existence of this institution will be lost.Keywords: Revitalization, Village Administration, West Sumatra

Работа посвящена анализу влияние развития добычи полезных ископаемых на экологическую ситуацию в Республике Гвинея. Необходимость оценки экологической ситуации в Гвинее вызвана тем, что экономическое развитие страны, обладающей 1/3 мировых разведанных запасов бокситов, ориентировано на разомкнутый тип экономики, т.е. на экспорт полезного ископаемого (сырья), в основном, бокситов, глинозема и сырьевых компонентов для производства алюминия. При этом вредные компоненты и вмещающие породы, в виде отвалов, сбросов жидкостей и выбросов вредных газов от производства остаются на территории страны. При таком типе экономики наращивание мощности перерабатывающих производств сопряжено с крупномасштабной техногенной нагрузкой на экосистемы Гвинеи. Появление и развитие добывающих и перерабатывающих производств оказывают негативное влияние на экосистему, разрушая гидрографию, рельеф местности и растительность, что крайне важно с точки зрения сохранения животного мира, растительного покрова и исторического уклада жизни коренных народностей Африки. Результат проведенных исследований показал, что влияние горнодобывающей промышленности является одним из наиболее значимых факторов антропогенного воздействия на окружающую среду, особенно в случае применения реагентных технологий извлечения, таких как кучное выщелачивание. В связи с повышенной экологической опасностью установок кучного выщелачивания (УКВ) в районах их влияния в обязательном порядке проводится мониторинг окружающей среды. Полученные при этом данные свидетельствуют об отсутствии серьезных нарушений природоохранного законодательства. ; The article analyzes the impact of the development of mining on the environmental situation in the Republic of Guinea. The need to assess the environmental situation in Guinea is due to the fact that the country's economic development which represents 1/3 of the world's known bauxite reserves is focused on open-type economy, i.e. on the export of minerals (raw material), mainly bauxite, alumina and raw materials for aluminum production. At the same time harmful components and host rocks in the form of dumps, discharges of liquids and emissions of harmful gases from the production remain in the country. In this type of economy power processing production capacity is associated with a large-scale anthropogenic load on Guinea's ecosystem. The emergence and development of mining and processing industries have a negative impact on the ecosystem, destroying the hydrography, terrain and vegetation, which is extremely important from the point of view of conservation of wildlife, vegetation and historical life ways of indigenous peoples of Africa. Results of the study showed that the impact of the mining industry is one of the most important factors of anthropogenic impact on the environment, particularly in the case of the reagent extraction techniques such as heap leaching. environmental risk of installations of heap leaching (IHL) in the areas of their influence shall be required environmental monitoring. The resulting data show an absence of serious breaches of environmental legislation.

La llamada Conquista del Desierto es uno de los momentos más trascedentes de la historia argentina. Las discusiones sobre el tema son abundantes en la literatura histórica, como así también los abordajes sobre los títulos jurídicos que legitimarían la toma del espacio patagónico por parte del Estado nacional. No obstante, resta todavía una indagación en profundidad sobre el problema filosófico-jurídico y filosófico-político de la toma del desierto. Según nuestra hipótesis, un análisis a partir del pensamiento de Carl Schmitt y Giorgio Agamben permite comprender mejor el fenómeno. La Conquista del Desierto puede leerse como paradigma del proceso de toma, partición y aprovechamiento de la tierra descripto por Schmitt como actos básicos para la fundación del derecho. A su vez, el pensamiento de Agamben permite abordar la posición del indígena en el proceso de disciplinamiento e incorporación al espacio de normalidad del flamante Estado-nación argentino. ; The so-call "Conquista del Desierto" ("Conquest of the Desert") is one of the most important and controversial points in the history of Argentina. Debates on the subject are abundant in literature, as well as a large number of juridical studies on the legal justification of the conquest of Patagonia by the argentine Nation-State. However, an analysis with a legal and political philosophy perspective on the conquest of the desert is still missing. According to our hypothesis, an analysis under the thoughts of Giorgio Agamben and Carl Schmitt permits a better comprehension of the phenomenon. The "Conquest of the Desert" can be seen as a paradigm of the land taking, partition and exploitation described by Schmitt as a foundation of law. At the same time, the works of Agamben allow the approach the position of the indigenous people in the process of discipline and forcible incorporation to the space of normality in the brand-new argentine Nation-State. ; A chamada "Conquista do Deserto" é um dos momentos mais transcendentes e controvertidos da história argentina. As discussões sobre o tema são abundantes na literatura, como também as abordagens sobre os títulos jurídicos que legitimariam a tomada do espaço patagônico por parte do Estado nacional. No entanto, resta ainda uma indagação em profundidade sobre o problema filosófico jurídico e filosófico-político da tomada do deserto. Segundo a nossa hipótese, uma análise a partir do pensamento de Carl Schmitt e Giorgio Agamben permite compreender melhor o fenômeno. A conquista do Deserto pode ler-se como paradigma do processo de tomada, partição e aproveitamento da terra descrito por Schmitt como atos básicos para a fundação do direito. Na sua vez, o pensamento de Agamben permite abordar a posição do indígena no processo de disciplinamento e incorporação forçosa ao espaço de normalidade do novo Estado moderno argentino

ResumenEn los albores del siglo XX, a partir de la preocupación por las nuevas corrientes inmigratorias y la integración de la Argentina al mercado capitalista mundial, surge el "primer nacionalismo argentino" (Payá y Cardenas, 1978). Ricardo Rojas (1882-1957), un exponente del mismo, se preocupó en la construcción de un ideal político-estético del ser nacional argentino. Ello contiene el ideal de construir una estética nacional; la cual permita descubrir el "genio nativo" y el "ideal argentino" e hispanoamericano. Dicha estética recibe el nombre de "Eurindia", mito que surge de Europa y las Indias, pero que, a pesar de ser de ambas, ya no es de ninguna de ellas. La tradición de la escuela euríndica se funda en el arte y la estética de los pueblos americanos. Este ideal se cimienta en el esquema histórico "indianismo y exotismo", que permitieron al autor la elaboración de su propuesta nacionalista indigenista. En este sentido, la pregunta que recorre este escrito es el lugar que Rojas le suscribe al sujeto político indio en la construcción del Estado-Nación argentino. Por ello abordo la noticia preliminar del Martín Fierro escrita por Rojas (1919), y el ensayo "Eurindia" (1924) con el objetivo de analizar el esquema indianismo y exotismo, y el lugar del sujeto indio en el mismo.Palabras clave: Eurindia, indigenismo, indianismo, exotismo, estética nacional.AbstractIn the early twentieth century, from the concern over new immigration flows and the integration of Argentina into the world capitalist market arises the "first Argentine nationalism" (Payá y Cardenas, 1978). Ricardo Rojas (1882-1957), an exponent of it, was concerned in building a political-aesthetic ideal of a national Argentine. This contains the ideal of building a national aesthetic; which allows find the "native genius" and the "Argentine ideal" and Hispanic. Such aesthetics is called "Eurindia", myth that emerges from Europe and the Indies, but, despite being of both, it is no longer of any of them. Tradition of the Euríndica School is based on the art and aesthetics of the American nations. This ideal is rooted in the "indianism and exoticism" historical scheme. This allowed the author the development of its indigenous nationalist proposal.In this sense, the question that runs through this writing is in what place Rojas has subscribed to Indian political subject in the construction of the Argentine nation-state. Therefore I address the preliminary news of Martin Fierro written by Rojas (1919) and the essay "Eurindia" (1924) with the aim of analyzing the indianism and exoticism scheme, and the place of the Indian subject in it.Keywords: Eurindia, indigenism, indianism, exoticism, national aesthetics.

The objective of this article is to show the use of autonomous hy­brid wind and solar systems as an alternative for energy in non­interconnected zones that respond to basic unsatisfied needs and improve the quality of life for their collectivities. The study is based on the criteria of Medsker and Bailey (1995), Chedid and Rahman (1997) and Alonso, Abella & Chenlo (2004), among others. To achieve this purpose, research was carried out focused on the experimental study of an indigenous community without ac­cess to the interconnected electric grid and an educational plat­form of new, stored computers; it showed a way to incorporate al­ternative energy solutions to resolve these discrepancies in an op­portune manner, using renewable energy sources: autonomous solar photovoltaics and mini-wind aerogenerators. Keeping clearly in mind a respect for the culture, customs and ethnic differences of the community, promoting participation of the community and student apprentices at the National Learning Service "SENA" for the Guajira region, a step was taken toward the transfer of innova­tive technologies to finally be able to respond to the hardships of this affected community, contributing to the construction of a so­ciety that deals with the equality of conditions, establishing a project-prototype model for political leaders who would converse as the entities for direct action. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar el uso de los sistemas hí­bridos eólicos y solares autónomos, orientados como una alternativa de energización en zonas no interconectadas (ZNI) y que permita solucionar las necesidades básicas insatisfechas (NBI) y mejorar la calidad de vida de sus colectividades, fundamentado esto en los criterios de Medsker y Bailey (1995), Chedid y Rahman (1997), Alonso, Abella & Chenlo (2004), entre otros. Para lograr este pro­pósito, se realiza una investigación enfocada a un estudio experi­mental de una comunidad indígena sin acceso a la red eléctrica interconectada y una plataforma educativa de computadoras nuevas almacenadas, que evidenciaba una manera de incorporar solucio­nes energéticas alternativas, con la finalidad de solucionar de ma­nera oportuna estas discrepancias, por medio de fuentes renova­bles: solares fotovoltaicas autónomas y aerogeneradores minieólicos. Teniendo claro el respeto a la cultura, costumbres y diferencias étnicas de la comunidad, promoviendo la participación de los mismos y de los estudiantes-aprendices del Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje "SENA" de la regional Guajira, dando paso a la trans­ferencia de tecnologías innovadoras, para finalmente lograr satis­facer las penurias de esta comunidad afectada, aportando a la construcción de una sociedad donde se maneje igualdad de condi­ciones e instando como proyecto-prototipo modelo a los dirigentes políticos que departirían como entes de acción directa.

The objective of this article is to show the use of autonomous hy­brid wind and solar systems as an alternative for energy in non­interconnected zones that respond to basic unsatisfied needs and improve the quality of life for their collectivities. The study is based on the criteria of Medsker and Bailey (1995), Chedid and Rahman (1997) and Alonso, Abella & Chenlo (2004), among others. To achieve this purpose, research was carried out focused on the experimental study of an indigenous community without ac­cess to the interconnected electric grid and an educational plat­form of new, stored computers; it showed a way to incorporate al­ternative energy solutions to resolve these discrepancies in an op­portune manner, using renewable energy sources: autonomous solar photovoltaics and mini-wind aerogenerators. Keeping clearly in mind a respect for the culture, customs and ethnic differences of the community, promoting participation of the community and student apprentices at the National Learning Service "SENA" for the Guajira region, a step was taken toward the transfer of innova­tive technologies to finally be able to respond to the hardships of this affected community, contributing to the construction of a so­ciety that deals with the equality of conditions, establishing a project-prototype model for political leaders who would converse as the entities for direct action. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar el uso de los sistemas hí­bridos eólicos y solares autónomos, orientados como una alternativa de energización en zonas no interconectadas (ZNI) y que permita solucionar las necesidades básicas insatisfechas (NBI) y mejorar la calidad de vida de sus colectividades, fundamentado esto en los criterios de Medsker y Bailey (1995), Chedid y Rahman (1997), Alonso, Abella & Chenlo (2004), entre otros. Para lograr este pro­pósito, se realiza una investigación enfocada a un estudio experi­mental de una comunidad indígena sin acceso a la red eléctrica interconectada y una plataforma educativa de computadoras nuevas almacenadas, que evidenciaba una manera de incorporar solucio­nes energéticas alternativas, con la finalidad de solucionar de ma­nera oportuna estas discrepancias, por medio de fuentes renova­bles: solares fotovoltaicas autónomas y aerogeneradores minieólicos. Teniendo claro el respeto a la cultura, costumbres y diferencias étnicas de la comunidad, promoviendo la participación de los mismos y de los estudiantes-aprendices del Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje "SENA" de la regional Guajira, dando paso a la trans­ferencia de tecnologías innovadoras, para finalmente lograr satis­facer las penurias de esta comunidad afectada, aportando a la construcción de una sociedad donde se maneje igualdad de condi­ciones e instando como proyecto-prototipo modelo a los dirigentes políticos que departirían como entes de acción directa.

In Chile, political activity is half-hearted when aimed at indigenous peoples in regards with their specificity, and it scarcely recognizes their specific political and cultural features. This creates tension between the demands for the recognition of diversity, in contrast with the protection of the common good, blind to the difference. Today, a third of the Mapuche population lives in Santiago, making the origin and aim of the demands for political recognition more complex, posing questions regarding the reconfiguration of identities in a dynamic and heterogeneous context which is cut off from the territories that have been historically reclaimed. Data was obtained through qualitative and inductive methodology. The results show an urban setting where there is a shift from the historical demands disseminated by the Mapuche movements towards discourses that demonstrate the distinctive features of life in the capital of Chile. These political demands seek self-determined, autonomous or representative space to guarantee the survival their culture, and they hold expectations that posit the need for the State and local governments to modify the conditions that today make their distinctive features invisible and hinder their impact in the political sphere at a national and local level. ; En Chile, la actividad política dirigida a los Pueblos Originarios actúa tibiamente en base a sus especificidades, y escasamente reconoce sus particularidades político-culturales. Esto origina una tensión entre las demandas en pos del reconocimiento de la diversidad, en contraste con el resguardo del bien común, ciego a la diferencia. Hoy un tercio de la población mapuche reside en la ciudad de Santiago, lo que complejiza el origen y el fin de las demandas por el reconocimiento político y platea preguntas sobre la reconfiguración de las identidades en un contexto dinámico y heterogéneo, alejado de los territorios históricamente reivindicados (territorial y políticamente). Así, cobra sentido preguntarse por los discursos que articulan los mapuche en Santiago, el cómo observan las consecuencias de ser o no ser reconocidos, cuáles y desde dónde surgen sus demandas, y el alcance de sus expectativas. A través de una metodología cualitativa e inductiva basada en técnicas de elicitación en profundidad, y complementadas con observaciones participantes, se obtuvieron datos que dan cuenta de un escenario urbano en el que se transita desde las reivindicaciones históricas difundidas por los movimientos mapuche, hacia discursos que manifiestan las particularidades de la vida en la capital. Estas demandas políticas buscan espacios de libre determinación, autonomía o representación para asegurar la supervivencia de su cultura; y sostienen expectativas que plantean la necesidad de que el Estado y los gobiernos locales modifiquen las condiciones que hoy invisibilizan sus particularidades y les impide incidir en la vida política nacional y local.

Although song and dance are independent art, they are being employed adequately in today's theatrical production as dramatic elements. This paper examines the relevance of songs as an aspect of oral aesthetics in the plays of Derek Walcott and Bate Besong. It also argues that like any other aspect of drama, Walcott and Besong succeeded in using songs and dances to play the triple roles of informing, educating and entertaining. Furthermore, this paper stresses the importance of symbolism in revealing the playwrights aesthetic ideologies. The playwright's attribute symbolic meaning or significance to setting, characters, objects, events, actions and relationships with the principal intention of commenting on the deteriorating nature of their various postcolonial societies. Framed on the basis of the New Historicist assumption that, every text of literature reflects both within and without itself. The analyses in this paper, reveal that, in their attempts to conceive an independent national cultural identity, the playwrights use songs and symbolic vocabularies that are recognisably indigenous or at least different from European representations, but yet intelligible within a global grammar of post-war politics. The various songs and symbols that permeate the works under study, play multiple roles and carry various meanings if read within the context of the postcolonial societies they all set out to represent. The playwrights succeeded in crystallising songs and symbols into veritable instruments of conscientisation and revolution. ; Хотя песня и танец являются самостоятельными видами искусства, в настоящее время они используются определенным образом в современной театральной постановке как отдельные драматические элементы. В данной статье рассматривается актуальность песен как аспекта устной эстетики в спектаклях Дерека Уолкотта (Derek Walcott) и Бейта Бесонга (Bate Besong). В статье утверждается, что, как и в других аспектах драмы, авторам удалось с помощью песни и танца выполнить тройную функцию информирования, обучения и развлечения. Кроме того, в этой статье подчеркивается важность символики в раскрытии эстетической идеологии драматургии. Драматурги добавляют символического значения декорациям, персонажам, объектам, событиям, действиям и взаимоотношениям с целью комментирования ухудшающей среды различных постколониальных обществ. На основе предположений Новейшей истории, любой литературный текст отражает внутреннее и внешнее содержание эпохи. Анализ, представленный в этой статье, показывает, что в своих попытках представить независимую национально-культурную самобытность, драматурги используют песни и символическую лексику, которые являются узнаваемыми среди коренных жителей или, по крайней мере, отличаются от европейских версий, но понятны в рамках глобальной грамматики послевоенной политики. Различные песни и символы, пронизывающие анализируемые произведения, выполняют сразу несколько ролей и несут различные значения, будучи прочитанными в контексте тех постколониальных обществ, которые они представляют. Драматурги достигли успеха в кристаллизации песен и символов в инструменты формирования сознания и революции.

The Northern Territory Government has commissioned this independent review into youth detention within the youth justice system, following a series of serious incidents which had resulted in the closure of the Don Dale Youth Detention Centre. Mr Michael Vita, from the New South Wales Juvenile Justice department, was engaged to conduct the review. This report presents the findings and recommendations of the review. It looks at: procedures and practices for the control and management of detainees, security practices and protocols, the contributing factors to recent incidents, the ability and likelihood of the Northern Territory Youth Justice Framework to address systemic youth detention issues, a proposal to use the existing Berrimah Correctional Centre as a youth detention centre, and the immediate challenges facing current youth detention centres. The youth detainee population has risen steadily over the last few years in the Northern Territory: remanded detainees account for the majority of the detainee population and Indigenous youth are over-represented. ; Acknowledgments -- Background and methodology -- Executive Summary -- Recommendations -- Terms of Reference -- Review the structure, management and operating practices of Youth Detention Centres (YDCs) -- Procedures manual and standard operating procedures -- incentives scheme -- Classification -- Training, rostering and staffing -- Behaviour Management and use of Force -- Warby Behaviour intervention program -- Family Responsibility Centres -- Quality Assurance -- Meetings (Communication) -- Case Management -- Offence Focused Programming -- Assessment -- Behaviour Management Plans -- Rick Assessment -- Immediate Challenges facing the delivery of Youth Detention Services at the Holtze and the Alice Springs YDCs -- Immedicate Challenges Facing the Delivery of Youth Detention Centres As they are transitioned from teh Holtze YDC to the Berrimah YDC -- The Pattern of Contributing Factors and Issues Surrounding Significant Incidents in Youth Detention since December 2009 -- Summary of Incidents December 2009 - September 2014 -- The Ability of Youth Detention to cnribute to the Northern Territory Department of Correctional services (NTDCS) Strategic Intent Plan and its Key Milestones -- The Ability and Likelihood of the Northern Territory Youth Justice Framework to Addres Systemic Youth Detention Issues -- To make Recommendatios about the Government's Recent Proposal to use the exiting Berrimah Correctional Centre as a Youth Detention Facility -- annex 1 Incentive Scheme -- annex 2 Classification scoring and Classification -- annex 3 training -- annex 4 behaviour intervention framework chart and policy -- annex 5 use of force -- annex 6 Warby program -- annex 7 case management CSA, incentive scheme CSA, misbehaviour CSA, use of force CSA, segregation CSA, D14.11604 JJC quality assurance policy, D14.11617 JJQA centres guide 2015 -- Tasmanina Govt letter -- annex 8 chart facilitat guie and chart resources -- annex 9 YLSI