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Israeli collective identity has developed from some basic ideological-revolutionary premises & faces now, with growing diff'iation & stabilization, many new problems. The central problem in Israel as in other modern ideological societies has been the extent to which commitments to broader values & to collective responsibility can be maintained in the wake of the weakening of specific ideological commitments which often become manifest in 2 major, often interconnected, ways-in the narrowing of the scope of wider cultural & soc orientation, & in the growth of cleavages & conflicts in the central symbolic sphere. On the other hand, there exist within the Israeli cultural scene some trends & forces which tend to counter the tendencies to erosion. Among the most important are the relatively flexible relationship to diff traditions & the relative lack of overall cultural splits between diff camps. It is important to note that, until now at least, the changing Israeli identity has been able to absorb, to some extent, tensions & problems developing from the growing technologization & professionalization. The extent to which a continuous peaceful transformation of Israeli identity will be able to overcome the eroding tendencies analyzed above is perhaps the most crucial problem facing Israeli society. HA.

The Russian nation emerged as a distinct S-cul system with the establishment of the Kievan or Varangian state in the middle of the 9th cent. This nation from that time to the present has remained the main group whose activities have largely determined the nature of the subsequent character of the Russian state, culture, & historical destiny. Among the essential characteristics of the Russian nation are: its comparatively long life, enormous vitality, remarkable pertinacity, outstanding willingness to sacrifice for its survival on the part of its members, & extra-ordinary territorial, pop'al, pol'al, soc, & cultural growth. To these essential features, a number of additional peculiarities may be noted: racial & ethnic diversity, unity in diversity, placement of non-Russian persons at highest pol'al & soc positions, comparative peaceful expansion & growth, the fighting of primarily defensive wars, comparative orderliness, & high dedication of members. Like other Western nations, Russia has experienced the rise & decline of Christian philosophy & its replacement by agnostic, materialistic, & atheistic philosophy. Since the end of the 1920's, Russia has begun to display other traits: the supplanting of rude force by the rule of law, the modification of totalitarianism in favor of econ & soc democracy, the establishment of non-Russian nat'lities as autonomous groups, the restoration of the monogamic fam, gains in material well-being, cultural growth, & the moral renaissance of the Soviet people. HA.

A study of the image of the US in the German geopol'al magazine, Zeitschrift fuer Geopolitik. The Zeitschrift was founded in 1924 by General Karl Haushofer; it accepted the Nazi regime & faded out of existence in 1944. Since 1951, a revised version has attempted to humanize geopol by giving it a geosociol'al orientation, with emphasis on the peaceful development of the universe. In internal affairs, the US expert of the Zeitschrift, the Austrian Colin Ross, expounded in the 1930's the view that the US was too old & tired to be the land of the future & that Europe need no longer concern itself with it. The Depression & the New Deal were interpreted as signs of America's weakness, & the claim that Amer's enjoyed more freedom & opportunities than other peoples was denied. In the postwar version, the essentially undemocratic nature of the US system is stressed; & articles on subjects like 'Are the Amer's barbarians?' are published. In foreign affairs, Haushofer & his disciples deplored the moralistic policies of the US long before George Kennan & Hans Morgenthau; accused the US of seeking world domination; recognized its leading position in the Western hemisphere & were convinced that the dominant US interests lay in the Pacific area. Criticisms of the US have continued in the postwar Zeitschrift, with some contributors blaming it for the outbreak of WWII & the postwar Soviet gains. The continuity of the critical line against the US is explained by an overriding interest in the future of Germany & Europe. I. Langnas.

When the victorious Tokugawa rulers of early seventeenth-century Japan brought an end to decades of warfare, the warrior class, the samurai, no longer had any wars to fight. However, the ideals of the samurai warrior did not die quickly, and new generations of samurai continued to learn the "martial arts" and to give obeisance to the model of the loyal and fearless warrior. In fact, however, under peaceful Tokugawa rule, the samurai gradually became an administrator-bureaucrat and took up the study of the "literary arts" which were more suited to his daily activities than studies of the martial arts.

In his Introduction to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on the Work of the Organization, 16 June 1965–15 June 1966 Secretary-General U Thant observed that the year under review had been a period in which the prospects for the peace and well-being of mankind suffered disappointments which seemed to outweigh once again the modest gains made in some directions. Describing the international political situation, Mr. Thant said that the cloud over Vietnam had grown larger and more ominous. The serious open conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir had calmed, but tensions had been heightened and violence had erupted elsewhere. Nuclear as well as conventional armaments developed apace. Furthermore, comparatively little happened during the year to brighten the outlook of those who occupied the two-thirds of the world where poverty, disease, ignorance, and lack of opportunity were the most conspicuous facts of daily life. Generally speaking, during this period the powerful nations did not show themselves able to overcome the suspicions, fears, and mistrust that sprang from their different ideologies and from their different conceptions of the best interests of the rest of the world; the rich nations did not rise above their concern for the continuation of their own prosperity, nor did the poor nations escape from the dead weight of their chronic poverty and their anachronistic social structures. Against such a background the international community, still incompletely represented by the United Nations, made only limited progress in those areas such as peacekeeping, disarmament, economic and social development, decolonization, and human rights where most was expected of it.

Since J. Stalin's death the Soviet & US gov's have moved into a new post-cold-war relationship in which continuing pol'al rivalry is combined with some pol'al cooperation to keep this 'competitive co-existence' peaceful. Incentives for cooperation are strong, centering in common interest in reducing the danger of thermonuclear war. But obstacles, too, are strong: resistance by some 3rd World states, resistance by some elements of both of the cooperating gov's, & the continuing intense competition for influence in the 3rd World, which creates imbalances & crises. Despite all the obstacles, the incentives to US-Soviet cooperation may prevail. But it a cooperative relationship is to endure, it will have to become more extensive & evolve into an entente. The precondition of this is some curtailment of power rivalry, which would not, however, mean a global bargain. Furthermore, some element of trust would have to be built into the Soviet-US relationship. The Soviet-US cooperative arrangement could take 2 diff forms: either a 'condominium' based on a division of spheres of influence or an alliance on behalf of the growth of internat'l order. The latter would be more in accord with the needs of the situation & the genius of the 2 peoples. HA.

Since the April 1960 student-led revolution there, debate in South Korea on the peaceful unification of the two Koreas has increased in frequency, intensity, and popularity among students, intellectuals, political parties, and other social groups. Popular support for independent and peaceful unification is rapidly mounting. This changing mood may be due to more effective North Korean propaganda as well as to the unhappy economic conditions in South Korea. In response to North Korea's aggressive unification campaign, the ROK (Republic of Korea) government has found it necessary to set up a research organization dedicated solely to the study of problems of unification.

After World War II, the consequences of the Soviet Union's victory over the Nazis were rejected, and a global containment of communism was elevated into a doctrine by President Truman. By the Cold War, we spurred the Soviet Union from exhaustion to great-power status, the atomic bomb, and space achievement. Our policies against communism in China had much the same effect there. The Cold War has also frozen the world into its immediate postwar postures and pre vented peace settlements in East and West. Since 1945 the United States has spent enough resources on the Cold War to make many ailing societies healthy, resulting in a dangerous weakening of our economy. We ourselves have submitted to the militarism we fought in two world wars and have gone far to create a United States dominated by the military. We have depleted our resources for peacetime living, while our competi tors have forged ahead with such technologies. We have sadly neglected the nation's poor, and the President's Great Society legislation, aimed at helping them, is suffering because of the expense of the war in Vietnam. By making anticommunism our life motive, we have fostered rightist fanaticism. We have forgotten the inexorable law of life that every social system is in constant evolution, and, now that the Cold War with the So viet Union has eased, we are preparing to wage one against Communist China. Is it too late for us to welcome China to the community of nations, avoid the final world war, and try to organize the unity of man?—Ed.

Two international programs have developed recently permitting inspections, one by national teams and the other by international teams. Although the two programs concern arms control, they are, however, both limited in scope and applicability. The Antarctic Treaty of 1959 authorizes national teams to inspect any area in Antarctica to verify compliance with prohibitions in the treaty against military uses. Under the, Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), arrangements have been adopted which authorize Agency teams to inspect the peaceful uses of nuclear materials and facilities to ensure that they are not being used to further any military purpose.

The people of the United States should offer the firm, friendly hand of common citizenship to freedom-loving people beyond our borders. This should be done by inviting the people of other free nations to join with us in establishing a new federal-union government of limited but specific author ity while at the same time placing new emphasis on United States immigration and statehood. This powerful initiative would demonstrate plainly our desire to co-operate—not to dominate—in world affairs. It would show how certain prob lems which beset the free-world community—like monetary instability, nuclear proliferation, trade rivalry, and East-West relations—can be resolved safely, peacefully, and to mutual advantage. It would prove that we mean what we say about the supreme importance of each individual person, regardless of race, origin, or station in life. Our avowal that government exists to serve man—and not the other way around—would have new meaning, not only to those fortunate enough to live under our system, but also to those in distant lands and degrad ing circumstances. By the simple but explicit offer of common citizenship we would give eloquent testimony to our firm com mitment to the ideals of liberty, justice, and equality for all people.

UNTIL the time Alexis de Tocqueville wrote Democracy in America, the problem of tyranny of the majority had dominated the political thought of no other nation as it had that of America. In the half century before the appearance of Tocqueville's great work, Americans had maintained a virtual monopoly of concern over the question of how popular sovereignty and individual liberty could peacefully coexist. The French Revolution, it is true, raised similar questions abroad, and if we take Burke's concern as representative, we see that he too was seriously troubled over the prospect that democratic tyranny would become the inevitable offspring of popular sovereignty. But despite Burke's eloquent and penetrating analysis, majority tyranny did not become a major preoccupation of English political thought, and to the extent that there was concern with the problem, as in the debate over the Reform Bill of 1832, discussion was confined to the obvious and straightforward issue of whether the suffrage should be extended. In America, on the other hand, the majority problem continued to be a persistent political issue from the beginning and, even today, a host of public questions revolves around the scope of majority rule. Yet for all the attention Americans paid to the majority question before Tocqueville entered upon the scene, they had hardly scratched the surface, and the Frenchman, therefore, was able to suggest an approach that they had not even considered.

Although most strikes in the United States have been peaceful, differences over the terms of employment have on occasion generated violent clashes. In cases where the union is recognized, strikes seldom lead to violent encounters. However, in unorganized strikes or in those which have arisen in an effort to gain recognition, the use of violence is more common. In the past, the presence of strike guards and private detectives were frequently causes of violent encounters. It ap pears that many industries were sometimes affected, and no region escaped from occasional violent incidents arising during a labor dispute. Nor were participants members of particular ethnic groups. Native Americans as well as foreigners and Negroes as well as whites were involved in bitter clashes that erupted in American industry. Violence has not been fully eliminated from American labor disputes, but considering the number of strikes and the number of employers directed to deal with unions by government boards dealing with labor relations, one has to conclude that it has been diminished. Laws re quiring employers to recognize unions representing their em ployees in a proper bargaining unit have perhaps been the primary cause for a lessening of violence in labor disputes.

Although students of world politics have come increasingly to speak of their empirical domain as a social system, little effort has gone into the systematic observation and measurement of its formal or informal structure. One structural attribute of the inter national system which leaves a definite trace and is therefore readily measurable, is that of alliance patterns. This paper examines all written (peacetime only) alliances among system members, describes the procedures for classifying them, and then transforms such information into quantitative indicators of alliance aggregation for various forms of the international system for every year between 1815 and 1939. Such data make it possible to treat this particular system attribute as either a dependent or an inde pendent variable for purposes of hypothesis testing or exploration in world politics.

The International Review has already given the text of the Resolutions passed at the XXth International Conference of the Red Cross last year. One of these (No. XXVIII) is of particular importance and we shall no doubt have reason to revert to it. It reads as follows:The XXth International Conference of the Red Cross,in its endeavours for the protection of the civilian population, reaffirms Resolution No. XVIII of the XVIIIth International Conference of the Red Cross (Toronto, 1952), which, in consideration of Resolution No. XXIV of the XVIIth International Conference of the Red Cross (Stockholm, 1948) requested Governments to agree, within the framework of general disarmament, to a plan for the international control of atomic energy which would ensure the prohibition of atomic weapons and the use of atomic energy solely for peaceful purposes,)thanks the International Committee of the Red Cross for the initiative taken and the comprehensive work done by it in defining and further developing international humanitarian law in this sphere,states that indiscriminate warfare constitutes a danger to the civilian population and the future of civilisation

The search for some means to terminate the Vietnam conflict by negotiation has given rise to certain anomalies in the application of the law and procedure of the United Nations and of the existing regional arrangements affecting Southeast Asia. It has also revealed the existence of a lacuna in the provisions of these international instruments governing the discharge of peacekeeping functions. This, however, is not the case in respect of the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Vietnam which constitutes the only tangible instrument of the Geneva settlement specifically created to fulfil, on a continuous basis, the tasks of control, observation, inspection, and investigation connected with the application of the Cease-fire Agreement for Vietnam.