Suchergebnisse

European Court of Justice (CJEU) has a unique role in Europe's integration process and its standings as well as rulings have brought important consequences for the daily life of European Union's citizens. When studying international courts and their political power, it can be said that the European Court of Justice is about the most powerful and influential international court that is realistically possible. Little is anyway known what is happening inside the Court. How the Court is functioning and managed? The aim of this study was to make a comprehensive review of the function and management the CJEU concentrating on recent reforms carried out in the General Court (GC) and by analyzing their impact. Especially the efficiency was observed by analyzing, how the reforms executed the set targets; proceeding time reduction, reduction of case backlog as well as the effect on cases handled per year. Also, the monetary impact was analyzed. The statistical data that was observed for this evaluation research, was collected during the years 2011-2016. According to the findings, none of the targets were properly met with the selected approach by appointing more judges in to the General Court. At the same time, the budget was heavily increasing. To be able to execute the reforms with more effective manner, the dynamic framework for a flexible and cost-efficient Court reform is presented. Truly dynamic change process, in a way illustrated in the framework, should lead to drastic improvement in flexibility towards the change and in the efficiency.

The Single European Act (SEA) consists of two ostensibly unrelated sets of provisions, both of which are intended to contribute to unification among members of the European Communities. Perhaps the major, and most widely publicized, provisions of the SEA consist of amendments to the Treaty of Rome (EEC Treaty). The remaining provisions of the SEA, predominately title III, formalize the system of European Political Cooperation (EPC) within the member states. Although not widely written about, or perhaps appreciated in this country, EPC has become an efficient system for coordinating foreign affairs positions within the European Economic Community (EPC). The EEC Treaty, as one of its aims, fosters a closer political union among its member states. The framework of the EEC, however, does not fully provide the means for establishing a political union. EPC was designed as an extra-treaty mechanism to facilitate union in foreign affairs. Toward that end, the Community and its member states have informally evolved EPC procedures over the last fifteen years. In title III of the SEA, the member states have established a new system for cooperation in foreign affairs. Although title III is not the dominant portion of the SEA, the changes it makes in the EPC process are extremely significant. Title III and the process it creates represent a continuation of the uniquely ambivalent modus by which the member states have reached agreements in foreign affairs in the past. Further, title III greatly enhances the status of EPC in contributing toward European unification since its structure and process are elevated to a series of treaty commitments. This change attests to the regard that member states hold EPC and presumably to the role they intend it to play in the future. The purpose of this Article is to examine the pressures which led to the change in EPC and to consider how this system will function in the future. This Article begins with a discussion of EPC before the SEA and then reviews the origins of title III and the SEA. Next, the Article analyzes the process of EPC after the SEA. Finally, this Article considers the impact of the SEA on EPC in the future.

Polska kilka razy w swej historii aktywności integracyjnej przed i po przystąpieniu do UE podjęła próbę zademonstrowania pozostałym krajom UE i unijnym instytucjom, że chce być samodzielnym podmiotem wewnątrz-unijnej gry interesów. Tym bardziej, że nie zawsze interesy Polski są zgodne z interesami pozostałych aktorów integracji. Na przykład sprzeciwiamy się postulatowi szybszego rozwoju krajów należących do "twardego jądra" UE. Z drugiej strony Polsce nadal bliskie jest uniwersalistyczne przesłanie, które brzmi: naszym wspólnym życzeniem jest uczynienie Europy kontynentem demokracji, wolności, pokoju i postępu. Unia pozostaje dla Polski nadal gwarantem redukowania linii podziału w Europie i popierania stabilności i pomyślnego rozwoju. Z uwagi na powyższe, zdaniem autora nie ma innego wyjścia, Europa (UE) musi postawić na uniwersalistyczno-partykularną syntezę jedności w wielości oraz jedności w różnorodności, która wzbogaca i rozwija, ale nie rozbija. A przede wszystkim eksponuje dobro wspólne bez zaniku (zatracania) dobra indywidualnego. ; The history of Poland's integration activities, undertaken both before and after joining the EU, has featured several attempts to demonstrate its desire to become an independent entity in the internal EU game of the interests of other EU countries and institutions. This has been the case, since Poland's interests have not always been compatible with the interests of the other actors of integration. For instance, Poland has opposed the scenario of the faster development of countries forming the 'hard core' of the EU. On the other hand, Poland still supports the universal postulate of making Europe a continent of democracy, freedom, peace and progress. The European Union has remained the guarantee that the lines that divide Europe will be erased and stable and consistent development ensured. Therefore, the author believes that Europe (the European Union) has no alternative, and will have to opt for a universalist-and-particular synthesis of unity in multiplicity, and unity in diversity, which enriches and develops but does not divide countries. First and foremost, this synthesis emphasizes the common good while not losing sight of (abandoning) the individual good.

The history of Poland's integration activities, undertaken both before and after joining the EU, has featured several attempts to demonstrate its desire to become an independent entity in the internal EU game of the interests of other EU countries and institutions. This has been the case, since Poland's interests have not always been compatible with the interests of the other actors of integration. For instance, Poland has opposed the scenario of the faster development of countries forming the 'hard core' of the EU. On the other hand, Poland still supports the universal postulate of making Europe a continent of democracy, freedom, peace and progress. The European Union has remained the guar - antee that the lines that divide Europe will be erased and stable and consistent development ensured. Therefore, the author believes that Europe (the European Union) has no alternative, and will have to opt for a universalist-and-particular synthesis of unity in multiplicity, and unity in diversity, which enriches and develops but does not divide countries. First and foremost, this synthesis emphasizes the common good while not losing sight of (abandoning) the individual good. ; Polska kilka razy w swej historii aktywności integracyjnej przed i po przystąpieniu do UE podjęła próbę zademonstrowania pozostałym krajom UE i unijnym instytucjom, że chce być samodzielnym podmiotem wewnątrz-unijnej gry interesów. Tym bardziej, że nie zawsze interesy Polski są zgodne z interesami pozostałych aktorów integracji. Na przykład sprzeciwiamy się postulatowi szybszego rozwoju krajów należących do "twardego jądra" UE. Z drugiej strony Polsce nadal bliskie jest uniwersalistyczne przesłanie, które brzmi: naszym wspólnym życzeniem jest uczynienie Europy kontynentem demokracji, wolności, pokoju i postępu. Unia pozostaje dla Polski nadal gwarantem redukowania linii podziału w Europie i popierania stabilności i pomyślnego rozwoju. Z uwagi na powyższe, zdaniem autora nie ma innego wyjścia, Europa (UE) musi postawić na uniwersalistyczno-partykularną syntezę jedności w wielości oraz jedności w różnorodności, która wzbogaca i rozwija, ale nie rozbija. A przede wszystkim eksponuje dobro wspólne bez zaniku (zatracania) dobra indywidualnego.

Urgency of the research. The European Community has considerable experience in conducting regional policies, therefore its analyzing is relevant, likewise is the search for possibilities for the implementation of European experience in Ukraine. Target setting. In the EU, regional policies are implemented at four levels. Most interesting appears the analysis of characteristics of its conducting at the supra-national level, since: it is most often implemented in the EU at the regional level directly from the supra-national level; this practice is very common of the new EU Member States. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. The research on the experience of regional policy in the EU was based on scientific works of: D. Bederak, A. Huseynov, A. Kuznetsov, B. Lavrovskyi, S. Leonov, O. Sidorenko, T. Stroiko, S. Fedoriuk, V. Chuzhykov, E. Sidorova and others. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. In the context of the substantial enlargement of the EU framework, further consideration should be aimed at the pro-cessing of the accumulated experiences of implementation of regional policy in the EU, its analyzing and assessing, as well as defining the directions of improving regional policies, in view of the current challenges. The research objective. The purpose of this article is an analysis of evolution of regional policies in the EU, which is being implemented at the supra-national level, together with identification of the possibilities and directions for the implementation of the European experiences in Ukraine. The statement of basic materials. The article studied the types and kinds of regional policies in the EU, considering two major stages in its development, their objectives and priorities, the tools for implementation, the characteristics of conducting, and the financing both by the objectives of the implemented policy and by the EU Member States. The purposes and features of functioning of the EU structural funds have been analyzed. Conclusions. On the basis of the carried out analysis, it is concluded that there has been a significant evolution of regional policy during the period of the EU's existence. It is proved that the European Union's regional policy today is increasingly permeated by the ideology of «unification» of its Member States. The successes of the EU policies have been identified, also it has been shown that most of the results achieved are concentrated in the backward regions of the EU. It is specified that the question of leveling the imbalances in the level of economic development of the EU territories remains open, as well as a number of other issues related to migration, unemployment, and ecology. ; Актуальність теми дослідження. Європейське співтовариство володіє значним досвідом проведення регіональної політики, тому актуальним є його аналіз, а також пошук можливостей імплементації європейського досвіду в Україні. Постановка проблеми. В ЄС регіональна політика здійснюється на чотирьох рівнях. Найбільший інтерес викликає аналіз особливостей її проведення на наднаціональному рівні, оскільки: вона найчастіше реалізується в ЄС безпосередньо з наднаціонального на регіональному рівні; це особливо характерно для нових країн-членів ЄС. Аналіз останніх досліджень і публікацій. В основі дослідження досвіду регіональної політики в ЄС були використані наукові праці: Д. Бедерака, А. Гусейнова, А. Кузнецова, Б. Лавровского, С. Леонова, О. Сидоренко, Т. Стройко, С. Федорюк, В. Чужикова, Е. Сидорової та ін. Виділення недосліджених частин загальної проблеми. Подальшого осмислення в умовах істотного розширення рамок ЄС вимагає питання опрацювання накопиченого досвіду регіональної політики в ЄС, його аналіз та оцінка, а також визначення напрямків удосконалення регіональної політики з врахуванням сучасних викликів. Постановка завдання. Метою даної статті є аналіз еволюції регіональної політики в ЄС, що здійснюється на наднаціональному рівні та виявлення можливостей і напрямків імплементації європейського досвіду в Україні. Виклад основного матеріалу. У статті досліджено типи та види регіональної політики в ЄС. Розглянуто два основних етапи в її розвитку, їх цілі та пріоритети, інструменти реалізації, особливості проведення та фінансування за цілями впроваджуваної політики та країнами-членами. Проаналізовано особливості та цілі функціонування структурних фондів ЄС. Висновки. На основі проведеного аналізу зроблено висновок про суттєве еволюціонування регіональної політики за час існування ЄС. Доведено, що сьогодні регіональна політика в ЄС все більш переймається ідеологією «згуртування» своїх країн-членів. Визначено успіхи політики ЄС, проте показано, що більша частина досягнутих результатів спостерігається переважно в відсталих регіонах ЄС. Відзначено, що залишається відкритим питання вирівнювання диспропорцій у рівні економічного розвитку територій ЄС, а також ряд інших питань, пов'язаних із міграцією, безробіттям, екологією.

The aim of this research is to describe China's Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) in the context of broader economic cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). This research investigates the infrastructural development in the CEE countries under the 17+1 initiative in the entire region. Further, this study explores different approaches of economic cooperation between CEEC and China and points out the Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in individual CEE-17 countries. What kind of cooperation and mutual interrelation does China's economic cooperation develop with the member states of the 17+1 initiative? To what extent do the CEE countries transform their economy in the framework of the 17+1 project? It is very clear that China needs to develop more effective mechanisms for wider cooperation in CEE countries to achieve the goal of the BRI initiative. This research mainly produces empirical studies to investigate the objectives and hypotheses. As of now, the result of the BRI initiative and 17+1 framework projects impacted limited economic transition in the CEE countries. The article concludes that there is a need to accelerate different BRI projects proportionally in the CEE countries. Moreover, this study shows that there is a trade deficit between the CEE countries and China. This article indicates that as a recommendation for bilateral cooperation between CEE countries and China, there is a need for large levels of cooperation at the regional level.

The Administrative Telegraph and Telephone Conference of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) was held in Geneva, September 29–November 29, 1958, to revise the regulations in telephony and telegraphy adopted in Paris in 1949. By a large majority the Conference adopted the principle that the Telephone Regulations should be world-wide in scope. The Telegraph Regulations, however, were still to include provisions applicable only to Europe, with reference to rates in the European system, the phototelegraph service, and different rebates for press telegrams. The three resolutions concerning telegraphy which the Conference decided to include in the regulations which it adopted instructed the International Telegraph and Telephone Consultative Committee (CCITT) to study the possibility: 1) of making the provisions relative to the phototelegraph service world-wide in scope; 2) of modifying international alphabet No. 2 so that at least two additional signals from the figure case would be available to administrations or recognized private operating agencies for the needs of their internal services; and 3) of removing difficulties which still existed for the operational services and for the users in the counting of words. The Conference also made certain detailed changes in the Telegraph Regulations.

Vessel hull inspection is a regulatory obligation. Adherence to procedural requirements forged by classification societies helps avoid numerous adverse consequences. In this era of technological innovation, drones, crawlers and underwater submersibles, aptly known as Remote Inspection Technologies, represent emerging technologies, and are being tested to conduct surveys and inspections that will gradually replace human presence on board ships and in-water. However, counter arguments have also emerged against the usage of these AI-based alternatives. Liability is one crucial drawback that could potentially discourage innovation and market growth, especially at the European Union level. Ship owners require a "safety net" as they are a part and parcel of global commerce. Then again, survey and inspection via technologies require the involvement of multiple actors, which makes it difficult to apportion liability. Solutions are required, especially at the European Union level, so that member states could move forward in a spirit of partnership, and nurture and foster technological innovation through partnership. Against the foregoing, this article delves into the European Union liability landscape and outlines some of the critical challenges and strategic ways forward for consideration.

The Paris Agreement would not have come into being had China, the United States (US), and the European Union (EU), which together contribute more than half of all global greenhouse gas emissions, not signaled their intent to take major steps to reduce their domestic emissions. The EU has been at the forefront of global climate change measures for years having issued binding domestic emission reduction targets for 2020 and 2030. For many years, China refused to announce a target date for when it might begin reducing its greenhouse gas emissions, and the US Congress blocked action on climate change. In the lead up to the Paris climate negotiations, however, there were major shifts in China's and the US's climate positions. This commentary examines the climate policies of the three largest emitters and the factors motivating the positions they took in the Paris negotiations. Given that the commitments made in Paris are most likely insufficient to keep global temperature from rising 2 °C above pre-industrial levels, the commentary also considers what the likelihood is that these three major economies will strengthen their emission reduction targets in the near future.