Suchergebnisse

On an often controversial subject such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this dissertation seeks to deconstruct the perception that exists in relation to the Gaza Strip and its inhabitants. In particular, the discourse that Israel acts permanently in self-defence in the face of continuous attacks from this territory. Although Israel is entitled to its defence, this dissertation questions whether the ways in which this defence is exercised are proportionate to the attacks from which it is targeted. Similarly, this dissertation also aims to perceive and analyse the events of those who live in a besieged territory since 2006/2007. In this sense, Israel's last military operation in the Gaza Strip and the land, sea and air siege of this territory will be examined in order to understand the day-to-day lives of the civilians living here. Finally, and given that this siege is exercised jointly with Egypt, Egypt's foreign policy is analysed in order to understand what leads the 6th largest Muslim country in the world to coordinate positions with the State of Israel. In short, this dissertation aims to deconstruct the structure in which Israel, Egypt and the Gaza Strip are placed and the processes and outcomes happening between them from a constructivist perspective. ; Num tema muitas vezes controverso como é o conflito Israelo-Palestiniano, esta dissertação procura desconstruir a percepção que existe em relação à Faixa de Gaza e aos seus habitantes. Nomeadamente, o discurso de que Israel age permanentemente em legítima defesa face aos ataques contínuos vindos deste território. Embora Israel tenha direito à sua defesa, esta dissertação questiona se o modo como esta defesa é exercida é proporcional aos ataques do qual é alvo. Da mesma forma, esta dissertação visa também perceber e analisar os acontecimentos da perspectiva de quem vive num território sitiado desde 2006/2007. Neste sentido, a última operação militar efectuada por Israel na Faixa de Gaza e o cerco terrestre, marítimo e aéreo a este território serão analisados de forma a compreender o dia-a-dia dos civis que aqui vivem. Por fim, e tendo em conta que este cerco é exercido em conjunto com o Egito, a política externa deste país é analisada de forma a perceber o que leva o 6º maior país muçulmano do mundo a concertar posições com o Estado de Israel. Em suma, esta dissertação visa a desconstrução da estrutura em que os processos que envolvem Israel, o Egito e a Faixa de Gaza se inserem sob uma perspectiva construtivista.

Describes how Spain, and, to a lesser degree, Portugal, following their 1985 adhesion to the European Economic Economic Community (EEC), promoted closer European ties to Latin America, resulting in a shift in EEC/EU policy in the 1990s. Summary in English p. 230.

'Statebuilding ist eine zentrale Aufgabe der internationalen Gemeinschaft am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. Die umfangreichsten Statebuilding-Operationen führt die internationale Staatengemeinschaft im Kosovo und in Bosnien, Afghanistan, Liberia, Sierra Leone, der DR Kongo, Timor-Leste und Haiti durch. In den genannten Beispielen greifen die externen Akteure weit in staatliche Souveränitätsrechte ein und erfüllen (zeitweise) staatliche Aufgaben. Sie substituieren die fehlende Staatlichkeit vor Ort mit eigenem Militär-, Polizei- und/ oder Zivilpersonal und übernehmen wichtige Funktionen in den lokalen Institutionen. Diese protektoratsähnlichen Arrangements bergen nicht nur erhebliche Risiken für die externen Akteure, sondern erfordern auch die verlässliche Bereitstellung umfangreicher personeller und finanzieller Ressourcen. Die strategische Herausforderung besteht jedoch darin, vorbeugend zu handeln und den drohenden Zerfall fragiler Staaten zu stoppen. Notwendig ist daher eine breiter angelegte Debatte über internationales Statebuilding. Was unterscheidet Statebuilding von anderen Konzepten? Vor welchen typischen Dilemmata und Schwierigkeiten stehen internationale Statebuilder? Welche Strategien und Ansätze werden international diskutiert und in der Praxis verfolgt? Welche Anforderungen ergeben sich daraus für die deutsche Außenpolitik und insbesondere für den Regierungsapparat, um die eigene Handlungsfähigkeit und Politikformulierung gegenüber fragilen Staaten zu verbessern?' (Autorenreferat)

Analyzes dimensions of European Union's (EU) eastern enlargement; discusses Poland's cross-border relations with its eastern neighbors, German-French ambiguities about Poland's EU membership, Polish economic challenges of EU accession, modernization of Hungarian foreign and domestic policies, and Spain's experience of EU membership; 5 articles. Summaries in English p. 204-5.

Cet article va apparaître comme chapitre 2 du ISPI REPORT CHINA 2017 "Belt and Road: A game changer in international relations?", publié par ISPI, centre de recherche à Milan, édité par Alessia Amighini ; The context of EU-China relations has dramatically changed over the past five years. China's interest in Europe has expanded geographically and substantially. At the broader diplomatic and strategic level, the OBOR initiative has come to symbolize China's growing significance in international affairs, reshaping regional dynamics. The European Commission and the Chinese government have agreed to enhance synergies in connectivity platforms. However, new investment trends and trade relations with China are highly differentiated across Europe and across sectors. The lack of a clearly defined OBOR plan in most European countries is weakening their bargaining power. In the meantime, China is following its flexible foreign policy approach when dealing with the EU. So far, the OBOR projects in Europe are mainly focusing on transport and infrastructure in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. We are witnessing the reconfiguration of international institutions and the emergence of a more multi-polar global order.

Cet article va apparaître comme chapitre 2 du ISPI REPORT CHINA 2017 "Belt and Road: A game changer in international relations?", publié par ISPI, centre de recherche à Milan, édité par Alessia Amighini ; The context of EU-China relations has dramatically changed over the past five years. China's interest in Europe has expanded geographically and substantially. At the broader diplomatic and strategic level, the OBOR initiative has come to symbolize China's growing significance in international affairs, reshaping regional dynamics. The European Commission and the Chinese government have agreed to enhance synergies in connectivity platforms. However, new investment trends and trade relations with China are highly differentiated across Europe and across sectors. The lack of a clearly defined OBOR plan in most European countries is weakening their bargaining power. In the meantime, China is following its flexible foreign policy approach when dealing with the EU. So far, the OBOR projects in Europe are mainly focusing on transport and infrastructure in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. We are witnessing the reconfiguration of international institutions and the emergence of a more multi-polar global order.

Cet article va apparaître comme chapitre 2 du ISPI REPORT CHINA 2017 "Belt and Road: A game changer in international relations?", publié par ISPI, centre de recherche à Milan, édité par Alessia Amighini ; The context of EU-China relations has dramatically changed over the past five years. China's interest in Europe has expanded geographically and substantially. At the broader diplomatic and strategic level, the OBOR initiative has come to symbolize China's growing significance in international affairs, reshaping regional dynamics. The European Commission and the Chinese government have agreed to enhance synergies in connectivity platforms. However, new investment trends and trade relations with China are highly differentiated across Europe and across sectors. The lack of a clearly defined OBOR plan in most European countries is weakening their bargaining power. In the meantime, China is following its flexible foreign policy approach when dealing with the EU. So far, the OBOR projects in Europe are mainly focusing on transport and infrastructure in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. We are witnessing the reconfiguration of international institutions and the emergence of a more multi-polar global order.

Front Cover -- Half Title Page -- Series Page -- Full Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- PART 1 | ENTERING THE AID WORLD, 1950-1960 -- 1| Encounter and Apprenticeship: The Colombo Plan and Canadian Aid in India, 1950-1960 -- 2 | "Reasonably Well-Organized": A History of Early Aid Administration -- 3 | Developing the World in Canada's Image: Hugh Keenleyside and Technical Assistance -- PART 2 | DEVELOPMENT, DIPLOMACY, AND TRADE,1953-1991 -- 4 | "A One Way Street": The Limits of Canada's Aid Relations with Pakistan,1958-1972 -- 5 | One Size Fits All? Canadian Development Assistance to Colombia,1953-1972 -- 6 | Samaritanos canadienses?: Canadian Development Assistance in Latin America during the Trudeau Years -- 7 | "Trotsky in Pinstripes": Lewis Perinbam, CIDA, and the Non-Governmental Organizations Program, 1968-1991 -- PART 3 | IMAGERY AND SYMBOLISM -- 8 | Building a Base: The Growth of Public Engagement with Canadian Foreign Aid Policy, 1950-1980 -- 9 | Pictures in Development: The Canadian International Development Agency's Photo Library -- 10 | "Tears Are Not Enough": Canadian Political and Social Mobilization for Famine Relief in Ethiopia, 1984-1988 -- PART 4 | THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CANADIAN AID, 1980-2018 -- 11 | Canadian Development Assistance to Latin America -- 12 | CIDA and Aid to Africa in the 1990s: A Crisis of Confidence -- 13 | A Samaritan State?, Canadian Foreign Aid, and the Challenges of Policy Coherence for Development -- CONCLUSION -- Concluding Reflections: Beyond Aid -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index -- Back Cover.

This paper is based on a lecture delivered during the Academy of European Law Summer School 2006. It provides an examination from a legal perspective of three current themes in the external relations of the European Union. First, the legal implications of the pillar structure for external relations, including recent case law and practical issues arising from the application of Article 47 TEU, the borderline between Community external policies and the Union's common foreign and security policy, and practical interpillar cooperation. It concludes that it is easier to combine the pillars by means of pragmatic solutions, whereas it is much more difficult in the case of a strictly legal construction which takes into account the requirements of Union coherence and the separate character of each pillar. Second, the paper turns to the balance between Member States and the European Union/Community in external policy and in particular the application of the "AETR test" in recent case law including the "Open Skies" cases, the Lugano Convention Opinion and the "Mox Plant" case. It concludes that a proper application of the AETR remains a practical challenge that transcends the narrow issue of pure legal deduction as to whether Community competence is "affected" or not. And third, the paper considers the position of the EU within, and participation in the work of, international organisations such as the United Nations, the WHO and the WTO. The paper concludes by emphasising the need for collaboration between the institutions and for pragmatic solutions to the problems that are inevitable while the Union retains its current complex structure

Factors in Nov. 16, 1994 vote by the Ukrainian parliament (Rada) to accede to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Demographic and political factors, Russian and US foreign policy, and Ukraine's executive-legislative relations.