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Based on ethnographic fieldwork and 39 formal interviews with 42 participants, we examine the influence of higher education institutions on a transitional, revitalizing neighborhood in Central Baltimore: Station North, a state-designated Arts and Entertainment District. This case study applies new urban regime theory to the development strategies of two universities near the neighborhood, Maryland Institute College of Art and Johns Hopkins University. We find the confluence of revitalization strategies in this declining city, as anchor institutions and the creative arts and entertainment–based economy attempt to revitalize neighborhoods as attractive places to live and visit. Yet these revitalization strategies may not address the quality of life issues that current or future residents most value, nor are they necessarily enacted with transparency or neighborhood stakeholder reciprocity. Furthermore, as neoliberal government relinquishes the task of neighborhood redevelopment to private institutions, neighborhood stakeholders question how the neighborhood will change and for whom.

"B-278100"--P. 1. ; "GAO/HEHS-98-208." ; "September 1998." ; Cover title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The chairman of the ACEJ accrediting committee lists 11 areas of investigation for researchers in journalism education and suggests means of coordinating study of the problems involving the schools, their students and the profession. The author is director of the School of Journalism, State University of Iowa.

We show that isolated capital cities are robustly associated with greater levels of corruption acrossUS states, in line with the view that spatial distance between citizens and the seat of political powerreduces accountability, and in contrast with the alternative hypothesis that keeping distance betweenthe capital and major economic interests might decrease the risk of political capture. In particular,this stylized fact holds when we use the location of a state's centroid and the spatial distribution ofland suitability as sources of exogenous variation for the isolation of the capital city. We then showdirect evidence that different mechanisms for holding state politicians accountable are indeed affectedby the spatial distribution of population: newspapers provide greater coverage of state politics whentheir audiences are more concentrated around the capital, voters are less knowledgeable and interestedin state politics when they are far from the capital, and voter turnout in state elections is greater inplaces that are closer to the capital. We find that the role of media accountability seems particularlyimportant in explaining the connection between isolated capitals and corruption. We also find evidencethat there is more money in state-level political campaigns in those states with isolated capitals,again contrary to the capture hypothesis. Finally, we provide some evidence that these patterns areassociated with lower levels of public good spending and outcomes.

We show that isolated capital cities are robustly associated with greater levels of corruption acrossUS states, in line with the view that spatial distance between citizens and the seat of political powerreduces accountability, and in contrast with the alternative hypothesis that keeping distance betweenthe capital and major economic interests might decrease the risk of political capture. In particular,this stylized fact holds when we use the location of a state's centroid and the spatial distribution ofland suitability as sources of exogenous variation for the isolation of the capital city. We then showdirect evidence that different mechanisms for holding state politicians accountable are indeed affectedby the spatial distribution of population: newspapers provide greater coverage of state politics whentheir audiences are more concentrated around the capital, voters are less knowledgeable and interestedin state politics when they are far from the capital, and voter turnout in state elections is greater inplaces that are closer to the capital. We find that the role of media accountability seems particularlyimportant in explaining the connection between isolated capitals and corruption. We also find evidencethat there is more money in state-level political campaigns in those states with isolated capitals,again contrary to the capture hypothesis. Finally, we provide some evidence that these patterns areassociated with lower levels of public good spending and outcomes.

Die Digitalisierung ist in einem viel umfassenderen Sinne "politisch" als gemeinhin bewusst - so lautet die Grundthese der Autorin. Denn: Das Politische der Digitalisierung erschöpft sich nicht in politikbezogenen Intentionen von in der digitalen Öffentlichkeit agierenden Personen, sondern ist grundlegend in die Funktionslogik und in die Funktionsbedingungen von digitalen Räumen eingeschrieben. So ist deren Konfiguration und Infrastruktur von vielfältigen Akteursinteressen durchzogen. Das hat weitreichende Folgen für die Inhalte und Ziele politischer Medienbildung, die bisher allerdings kaum Eingang in die Bildungspraxis gefunden haben. Eine zentrale Aufgabe wäre demnach die Bewusstmachung und kritische Befragung der für die Einzelnen meist unverfügbaren techno-sozialen Strukturen, die Menschen und das menschliche Zusammenleben unweigerlich prägen, indem Chancen (nicht) zugeteilt und Wissen sowie Relevanzsetzungen geordnet werden. Diese meist unsichtbaren Mechanismen müssen in den Blick geraten, um Menschen dazu zu befähigen, sich mit den der Digitalisierung inhärenten Machtverhältnissen auseinanderzusetzen. Damit sollen Bildungssubjekte dazu ermutigt werden, den digitalen Wandel aktiv und demokratiefreundlich zu gestalten. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The author's basic thesis is that the digital transformation is "political" in a much more encompassing sense than generally considered. For the political aspect of the digital transformation is not exhausted in politics-related intentions by people acting in the digital public sphere but is a fundamental component of the functional logic and conditions of digital spaces. The interests of a variety of actors pervade their configuration and infrastructure. This has far-reaching consequences for the content and goals of political media education, which have hardly found their way into educational practice. One main task is to make people aware of the mostly inaccessible techno-social structures that inevitably leave a mark on them and how they live together and lead to a critical questioning of these structures by (not) allocating opportunities and ordering knowledge and relevance. These mostly invisible mechanisms must enter into view so that people are able to take a good look at the power relations inherent to the digital transformation. Thus, educational subjects should be encouraged to organize digital change actively and democratically. (DIPF/Orig.)

Azerbaijan is a modern, rapidly developing democratic country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. The country is currently harmonizing its national legislation with international norms, and reforming its national scientific and medical. Higher standards of medical research and education will enhance public health and protect human rights to life and health that are specified in Azerbaijan Constitution.

Analyzes the relationship between conflicts & democratization processes in Russia & the other newly independent states of the former USSR. The severe interethnic & political conflicts that marked the beginning of democratization in this area still have not been resolved & inhibit democratic reforms. Because states have neither the resources nor the will to promote peaceful solution, cooperative conflict resolution from nongovernmental bodies may provide some assistance. Drawing on significant personal experience working in cross-cultural conflicts, illustrations are provided of (1) practical applications of conflict analysis, & (2) resolution skills & processes. Also explored is the connection between civil society building & peaceful conflict resolution. 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Modernization of domestic education and global diversification of pedagogical education make it relevant to analyze the role and place of the subject 'Philosophy' in order to diagnose new goals for teaching this discipline. Based on the methodological innovation of the semiotic approach proposed by I.V. Melik-Gaykazyan, the correspondence between the semantics of universal competencies and the pragmatics of the formation of individual trajectories for the training of future teachers is established. This correspondence captures the navigational role of philosophy, firstly, in the development of basic academic disciplines, and, secondly, in understanding the continuity of their curricula. The implementation of this role will not happen naturally, since the domestic tradition of university philosophy has its own characteristics, which are retrospectively indicated in the article. The retrospection emphasizes the context in which S.I. Gessen formulated his well-known thesis that pedagogy is an applied philosophy. This thesis is of essential importance for determining the role and place of teaching philosophy for the future teacher training, and also remains relevant in the situation of modern diversification of the goals of pedagogical education. The purpose of teaching philosophy is the propaedeutics of the development of special courses devoted to modern theories and the actual practice of education. At the same time, the actual practice of education takes place in social conditions that transform behavioral and ethical norms, therefore, the goals of teaching philosophy in the context of pedagogical education include explaining intellectual traditions and the limits of their effectiveness in order to find ways to solve situational problems generated by modern communication tools and systems. These situational problems are formed under the influence of multiple factors, and therefore, to solve them, it is necessary to understand the essence of transdisciplinarity. The simultaneous multiplicity of communications and the variability of their formats in specifi c psychological and pedagogical conditions make the modern understanding of theessence of the mediatization phenomenon relevant. Modern requirements for education to ensure the training of unique specialists fixes the need for the formation of tolerance, which is a condition for the implementation of inclusive education. The listed principles of modern philosophical anthropology andpost-non-classical methodology – tolerance, mediatization, transdisciplinarity, multidimensionality – coincide with those competencies which formation can be led by the teaching of philosophy.